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MEMORA UD 


SOUTIIiiftN AND 


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MEMOEANDUM 

ON THE 

SOUTHERN AND WESTERN FRONTIERS OF PERSIA, 

By the Assistant Secretary, Foreign Department. 


GOITTE1TTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Paras. Pages. 

1. Limits of the enquiry defined ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 

2. Fluctuating Frontiers of Persia ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 

3. Three separate enquiries ... ... ... ... ••• ••• ••• 4 


4. 


G. 

7. 


8. 

9. 

10 . 

11 . 

12 . 

13. 


14. 

15. 

16. 


17. 

18. 

19. 

20 . 
21 . 
22 . 

23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 
27. 


28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 


I.—FRONTIER OF PERSIA ON THE MEKRAN COAST. 


Four Routes along the Mekran Coast: Grant, Pottinger, Abdun Nubee, 
and Macleod 

\st. Route of Captain Grant from Gwuttur to Bunder Abbass, 1809 ... 

Territories of independent Mekran Chiefs 

(1.) Territory from the Bay of Gwuttur to Choubar, under Meer 
Soban ... 

(2.) Territory of Kuserkund, under Sheikh Sumunder . 

(3.) Territory of Boog, under Meer Mohibbee 

(4.) Territory of Geh, westward of Choubar, under Mahomed Khan ... 

(5.) Extensive Inland Territory of Bunpore . 

(6.) Territory of Jask, tributary to the Imaum of Muscat . 

(7.) Territory of Minab, dependent partly on Muscat and partly on 
Persia ... 

(8.) Bunder Abbass under the Imaum of Muscat ... 

2nd. Route of Lieutenant Pottinger from Reyla to Kerman, 1810 
Influence of the Imaum of Muscat as far east as Beyla 
Independent Territory of Bunpore under Mehrab Khan 
Basman, the last town in Beloochistan ... 

Regan, the first town in Persian territory 

Recent absorption of Nurmansheer by Persia. 

Bunder Abbass under the Imaum, but tributary to Persia 

3rd. Travels of Hajee Abdun Nubee in Beloochistan, 1838-39 ... 

Gwadir under the Imaum of Muscat 
Gwuttur under the Meer Sushkaran 
Account of Choubar 

Bunpore, still independent, under the son of Mehrab Khan . 

Basman: Persian advance threatened 

The Hajee account of the Persian occupation of Nurmansheer 
Account of Jask ... 

4 th. Route of Mr. Macleod on the Mekran Coast, 1853 . 

Encroachments of Persia; occupation of Bunpore and Kuserkund, and 
advance towards Gwadir, 1853 
Policy of the Government of India 


6 

7 

7 

8 
8 
8 
8 
9 

10 

11 

11 

11 

12 

14 

14 

15 


18 

19 

20 
21 

22 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

26 

27 





II 


CONTENTS. 


Para *- Pages. 

II.—RELATIONS OF PERSIA WITH THE KHAN OF KHELAT. 

33. Indefinite pretensions of Persia to the Eastward ... ... ... 28 

34. History of Khelat ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 29 

35. 1st Period: Persian ascendancy down to the death of Nadir, 

ante 1747 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 29 

. ... 31 

37. Grant of Choubar and Gwadir to the Imaum of Muscat by the Khan of 

Khelat ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 33 

38. 3rd Period : Present condition of Khelat, 1839-63 ... ... ... 34 


36. 2nd Period: AfFghan ascendancy, 1747-1839 

•M 
(?(*3 


III.—PRETENSIONS OF PERSIA OYER THE IMAUM OF MUSCAT. 

39. History of Muscat ... ... ... ... ... 37 

40. 1st Period: Ascendancy of the Muscat Arabs, 1658-1736 . 38 

41. 2 nd Period : Disputes between the Muscatees and the Persians, 1736-87 39 

42. Contemporary condition of the independent Arab States on the sea- 

coast of Persia ... ... ... ... ... ... 4,3 

43. 3rd Period: Rise of the Wahabees, 1787 ; English expeditions of 1809 

and 1819 ... ... ... ... ... ... 43 

4th Period: Relations of the Imaum with Persia and Great Britain, 

1820-63..; . . 

State of the Imaum’s possession on the sea-coast of Persia, 1821 ... 47 

Pretensions of Persia in the Gulf; Bombay Mission of 1821 . 49 

47. Nature of the alliance between the Imaum and the English, 1825 ... 53 

48. Disturbed state of the Imaum’s rented possessions on the Persian Coast, 

1846 ... ... ... ... ... 34 

49. Resumption of Bunder Abbass and its Dependencies by Persia, 1854 ... 56 


44. 

45. 

46. 


50. 

51. 

52. 

53. 

54. 

55. 

56. 

57. 


IV.—RESUME OF THE EVIDENCE. 

Main points in the enquiry 
Persia and the Khan of Khelat ... 

Persia, Khelat, and Muscat 

Extent of the sea-coast originally farmed by the Imaum from Persia, 
and recently resumed by the Shah 

Extent of the sea-coast of Mekran in the independent possession of 
the Imaum 

Suzerainty of the Imaum of Muscat from Jask eastward 
Possession of the Ports of Choubar and Gwadur by the Imaum 
Four propositions established by the foregoing enquiry ... 


57 

57 

58 

59 

60 
61 
62 
63 


APPENDICES. 

Appendix I. Captain Grant’s Journal of a Route through the western parts of 
Mekran 

„ II. Memorandum of Mr. Maeleod’s travels in Mekran in 1853 

„ III. Extract from Captain Bonnamy’s Memorandum of the North- 
West Frontier of British India, 1836 
,, IV. Major Robert Leech’s Brief History of Kalat 

,, V. Fluctuating frontiers of Persia as indicated by Morier, Kinneir, 

Sir John Malcolm, and Fraser 

,, VI. Disputes between the Imaum of Muskat and Persia in 1846 


1 

11 

13 

16 

40 

42 



MEMORANDUM 



ON THE 

SOUTHERN AND WESTERN FRONTIERS 

OF 

PERSIA. 


Introduction. 

1. Limits of the enquiry defined.— The 

recent outrages committed by the Per¬ 
sian Porces up to the gates of Gwadir, 
the threatened interruption of tlieMek- 
ran line of Telegraph, and the assertion 
by the Persian Governor of Bunpore 
that the supremacy of Persia extends 
over Choubar and Gwadir on the east> 
and as far as Bunder Abbass on the 
west, have led to an investigation of 
the limits of the territory of Persia on 
the south and east, and to an enquiry 
into the nature and extent of her 
claims over the line of country on the 
Coast of the Persian Gulf, hitherto 
regarded as being in the possession of 
the Imaum of Muscat. 

2. Fluctuating Frontiers of Persia.— 
The only permanent boundaries of an 
empire on the land side are impassable 
mountains, or the well defined and 
artificially marked out frontier line of 
a border State, jealous of the integrity 
of its dominions, and strong enough 
to withstand the encroachments of its 
neighbours. In these conditions Per¬ 
sia has been wholly wanting on her 
eastern side, excepting during those 
rarely recurring intervals when her 
empire reached to the Indus and to the 
mountains bordering on that river. 
Of late years the territory of Herat 
has to some extent formed a harrier 



4 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


in the interior, but in Beloochistan and 
Mekran Persia can be scarcely said to 
have bad any barrier at all; and thus 
whilst her national traditions of the 
days of Nadir Shah and Shah Abbas 
the Great, impel her towards the banks 
of the Indus, her pretensions are 
capable of indefinite extension in that 
direction, according to the influence she 
may be enabled to exercise over her 
neighbours,—the chiefs of Beloochistan, 
the Khan of Khelat, and the Imaum of 
Muscat; or to the distance to which 
she may push her outposts over barren 
or sparsely populated territory, without 
notice or remonstrance from the great 
powers.* Meantime it has so happened 
that the Coast of the Persian Gulf and 
of Mekran has attracted but little atten¬ 
tion. The sea-ports on the Persian 
Gulf have been held by the Imaum of 
Muscat; whilst Mekran generally has 
been unknown to the geographer, except 
as being the scene of the march of the 
army of Alexander. Native craft ap¬ 
pear to have carried on a coasting trade 
between some of the ports ; but the 
leading commercial route has been 
direct from the Bed Sea and Persian 
Gulf to Surat and other ports on the In¬ 
dian Peninsula ; the inhospitable shore 
of Mekran being generally avoided. 

3. Three separate enquiries — The in¬ 
formation which has been elicited from 


* The boundaries of Persia have fluctuated more 
than those of any other empire in the world, but the 
causes of the rise and collapse of each successive em¬ 
pire or dynasty have been almost precisely the same in 
all periods of her history. Rapid extension has ever 
been followed by rapid decay, and successive empires 
have fallen by the revolt of outlying provinces, or by 
the inroads of invaders from without. Such was the 
history of this region under the Assyrian, the Medo- 
Persian, theMacedonian, the Parthian, and the Caliphs ; 
and such has been the history of Persia during the 
Tartar and Afghan conquests, and down to our own 
times. See also Appendix V. 




FEONTIEBS OF PEESIA. 


literary and official sources, may now 
be exhibited under three separate heads, 

viz .— 

—The Frontier of Persia on the 
Mekran Coast. 

2nd .—The relations of Persia to the 
Khan of Khelat. 

3 rd .—The pretensions of Persia over 
the Imaum of Muscat. 

It is now proposed in the first place 
to bring together under these three 
heads all the information that can be 
collected; and then to exhibit those 
deductions which may apparently be 
legitimately drawn from the evidence 
adduced. A map illustrating the routes 
of Grant and Pottinger, and the gra¬ 
dual advance of Persia eastward, has 
been drawn up in this office, and will 
accompany the present Memorandum. 

1;—Frontier of Persia on the Mekran 
Coast. 

4. Four Routes along the Mekran 
Coast Grant, Pottinger, Abdun 
Nubee, and Macleod— As regards the 
frontier of Persia on the east, it can be 
distinctly proved that since the com¬ 
mencement of the present century, it 
has been steadily advancing over Be- 
loochistan and Mekran. Upon this 
point we have four tolerably indepen¬ 
dent sources of evidence, viz .— 

(1.) That of Captain Grant, who 
proceeded along the coast of Mekran 
from Gwuttur to Bunder Abbass in 
1809. 

(2.) That of Lieutenant Pottinger, 
who proceeded along a more inland 
route though Beloochistan from Khelat 
to Kirman in 1810. 


2 


6 


MEMOEAHDtTM OK THE 


(3.) That of Hajee Abdun Nubee, 
of Cabul, who travelled through parts 
of Beloochistan in 1838 and 1839. 

(4.) That of Mr. Macleod, Deputy 
Collector of Customs at Kurrachee, 
who visited some of the ports on the 
Mekran Coast in 1853. 

5. 1st. Route of Captain Grant from 
Gwuttur to Bunder Abbass, 1809.— 

Captain Grant’s Journal has been fre¬ 
quently quoted by Pottinger, and a very 
brief abstract of it has been published in 
the Appendix to Kinneir’s Geographical 
Memoir of the Persian Empire; but as 
it is of much importance as an original 
authority, it is now printed at full 
length in Appendix I. to the present 
Memorandum. The points bearing upon 
the present enquiry may be indicated as 
followsCaptain Grant was sent out 
ostensibly to purchase horses, but, in 
reality, to ascertain if there were any 
practicable routes by which a European 
army could march through Mekran to 
Scinde. Accordingly he sailed from 
Bombay on the 18th January 1809, 
with instructions to land at Gwadir; 
but he found the country in such an 
unsettled state, that he proceeded a 
little further to the westward, and land¬ 
ed at Gwuttur, a village of 150 mat 
huts and a small mud Port. Erom 
Gwuttur he proceeded along the Coast 
to Choubar, and thence struck off in 
the interior to Kuserkund and Geh, 
and as far northward as Bunpore. He 
had then apparently intended starting 
off from Bunpore in a westerly direc¬ 
tion, and taking the inland route to 
Minab; but this he found impractica¬ 
ble from the bad character of the Bun¬ 
pore Chief, and he accordingly return¬ 
ed to Choubar and proceeded along the 
Coast, via Jask, to Minab and Bunder 
Abbass. 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


7 


6. Territories of independent Mekran 
Chiefs.— Throughout the whole line of 
route thus indicated, the country ap¬ 
pears to have been at that time divid¬ 
ed into different territories under the 
Government of Mekranee Chiefs, who 
may to some extent have acknowledged 
the superiority of the Khan of Khelat,* 
hut who were altogether independent 
either of Persia or the Tmaum of 
Muscat, with the exception of the 
country between Gwuttur and Choubar, 
and that between Jask and Bunder 
Abbass. The territories of these Chiefs 
were as follows :— 

7. (1.) Territory from the Bay of 
Gwuttur to Choubar, under Meer So- 
ban.— This territory extended from Ju- 
vunee, on the Bay of Gwuttur, to Chou¬ 
bar on the west, and about forty miles 
inland. The Chief resided at Nugor, an 
inland village, consisting of 250 mat 
huts and a small mud Port. The Porces 
of Meer Soban amounted to about 300 
Cavalry and 3,000 Infantry. The tribe 
was termed Jugdall, and originally 
came from near Scinde, and still spoke 
the language of that country; it was of 
greater weight in Mekran than any 
other, its alliance being courted by most 
of the neighbouring Chiefs. The vil¬ 
lage of Gwuttur, as already stated, con¬ 
tained 150 mat huts and a small mud 
Port. Choubar consisted of about 300 
mat huts and a mud Port. The duties 
at Choubar amounted to about Rupees 
5,000; and this amount was divided 
between the Syud (Imaum) of Muscat! 
and some of the Mekran Chiefs; but 
a little before Captain Grant’s visit the 

* See para. 32 et seq. 

f Captain Grant calls him the Syud, but the title 
of Imaum is an elective religious title, which was 
never given to Syud Said, the late ruler of Muscat, 
though Europeans saw no difference, and styled him 
Imaum like his predecessors. 






8 


MEMORANDUM ON l'HE 


Imaum had seized the Port, and retained 
the whole. 

8. (2.) Territory of Kuserkund, under 
Sheik Sumundur.—To the northward 
of the dominions of Meer Soban lay the 
town of Kuserkund with a little terri¬ 
tory to the north, all of which belonged 
to the Sheik Sumundur. This Chief is 
expressly said to have been independent, 
though his whole revenue did not ex¬ 
ceed Rupees 1,000 per annum. 

9. (3.) Territory of Boog, under Meer 
Mohibbee.— This is a small territory, 
only incidentally mentioned as lying 
between Kuserkund and Geh. 

10. (4) Territory of Geh, westward 
of Choubar, under Mahomed Khan. — 

The territory of Geh stretched for a 
hundred miles along the coast west¬ 
ward of Choubar, and to about eighty 
miles inland. The town of Geh was 
considered the second place in Mek- 
ran, Keij being the first; and its 
dependencies were more extensive than 
those of any other State. The revenue 
of Mahomed Khan, the Chief of Geh, 
was not above Rupees 4,000 per annum, 
and he might have been able to collect 
about 3,500 armed men. This State 
had been previously frequently plun¬ 
dered by the tribes bordering on 
Mekran and Persia, but for a few 
years prior to Captain Grant’s visit, 
it had escaped these depredations. 

11. (5.) Extensive inland Territory of 
Bunpore.— The territory of Bunpore 
is described at considerable length by 
Captain Grant. The then possessors had 
invaded it about 25 years previously, 
and, dispossessing the former inhabi¬ 
tants, had settled in it themselves. The 
Port was situated on an extensive plain, 
and from the height of the mound of 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


9 


eartli on which it was built, it was visi¬ 
ble at a distance of twenty miles. The 
[Forces of Bunpore, when collected, con¬ 
sisted of 300 Cavalry, well armed and 
mounted, and 2,500 Infantry. Their 
chief employment was plunder, their 
expeditions being generally directed to 
the westward, extending to Minab and 
Bunder Abbass ; the inhabitants and 
cattle formed the chief spoil, the former 
being sold as slaves to merchants from 
Candahar, who brought horses in return. 
Captain Grant said that these expedi¬ 
tions had been in some measure checked 
by the establishment of one of the 
Persian Shahzadas at Kerman about 
three years previously. He added that 
the Belooche tribes between Candahar 
and Persia were more habituated to 
rapine than those of Lower Mekran; 
and that, accordingly, pilgrims and 
other travellers from Cabul and the 
Punjab were accustomed out of fear 
of these inland tribes to proceed via 
Scinde, and then through Mekran. 

12. (6.) Territory of Jask, tributary to 

the Imaum of Muscat. —The Coast ter¬ 
ritory of Geh is described as ending at 
Mulik Chadig, a high mound of stone 
extending from the mountains towards 
the sea, marking the boundary of Mek¬ 
ran. The landmark thus indicated by 
Captain Grant may prove to be of some 
importance, and perhaps is still in exist¬ 
ence. At any rate its position is clearly 
indicated on Captain Grant’s map. It 
marks out the spot where the territories 
dependent on Geh terminate, and where 
those of Jask commence. The depen¬ 
dencies of Jask extend to Gero, where 
the territory of Minab appears to begin. 
The town of Jask lay about two miles 
from the sea. It consisted of about 
250 huts and a mud Port, but at the 
time of Captain Grant’s visit was 

3 


10 


memokandum on the 


almost deserted, in consequence of a 
pestilential fever; and Meer Hajee, the 
Chief of Jask, had removed his resi¬ 
dence to Sereek, a place about eighty 
miles olf on the route to Bunder Abbass. 
Sereek contained about 600 huts and a 
large mud Port. The position of the 
town of Jask should be particularly 
noticed, inasmuch as it forms the boun¬ 
dary line of the Persian Territory on 
modern maps. Captain Grant says that 
Jask was tributary to the Imaum of 
Muscat, and paid about Bupees 2,500 
per annum. The inhabitants are de¬ 
scribed as being Belooches right up to 
Mmab, but approximated nearer to the 
Persians than the eastern tribes, both 
in their language, which was less mixed 
with that of Scinde, and in their reli¬ 
gion, which had changed from the doc¬ 
trines of the Sonnee to those of the Shea 
sect. 

13. (7.) Territory of Minab, dependent 

partly on Muscat and partly on Per- 
s * a * The territory of Minab seems to 
have been dependent upon the Imaum 
of Muscat, but yet is described as being 
to some extent under Persia. The lam 
guage of Captain Grant upon this point 
is neither clear nor precise. He says 
that the Chief of Minab, Meer Gholam 
Alee, “ is quite dependent on the Imaum 
of Muscat, who receives about Rupees 
30,000 yearly from this district, and 
keeps a small garrison in the Port. 
Although not paying revenue direct to 
Persia, Mmab may be considered as 
part of that kingdom. The neighbour¬ 
ing Persian Chiefs are on a good foot¬ 
ing with it, and lend their Porce and 
protection against its disturbers.” Fur¬ 
ther on, however, in his notices of Bun¬ 
der Abbass, he states that for “the 
Minab tribute the Imaum of Muscat 
partly accounts to Persia.” 


FBONTIEKS OF FEESIA. 


11 


14. (8.) Bunder Abbass under the 
Imaum of Muscat.— Captain Grant 
distinctly states that Bunder Abbass is 
in the possession of the Imaum of 
Muscat, and that the customs of the 
place amount to about Rupees 20,000, 
for which, and the Minab tribute, the 
Imaum of Muscat partly accounts to 
Persia. 

15. 2nd. Route of Lieutenant Pottinger 
from Beyla to Kerman.— About one 
year after the expedition of Captain 
Grant, that is, early in 1810, Captain 
Christie and Lieutenant, afterwards Sir 
Henry, Pottinger, were directed to ex¬ 
plore the country between India and 
Persia. The results of their journeys 
were published by Pottinger in 1816, and 
amidst much discursive matter contain 
information of much value, both as con¬ 
firming the statements of Captain Grant, 
and furnishing further evidence. 

16. Influence of the Imaum of Muscat 
as far east as Beyla.-Pottinger and 
Christie reached Beyla on the 22nd 
January 1810. Here an incident occur¬ 
red, which illustrates the extent of the 
influence at that time exercised by the 
Imaum of Muscat. A vessel belonging 
to the Imaum had been wrecked on 
the coast near Sonmeanny, and a few 
trifling articles had been recovered from 
the wreck. Pottinger was present at 
the public Durbar, when a letter from 
the Imaum was read aloud, requesting 
that the articles saved might be deli¬ 
vered to his people; and orders to this 
effect were immediately proclaimed by 
the Dewan. Pottinger however observ¬ 
ed that the letter, which was in Persian, 
was framed in a very respectful style, 
and without any assumption on the 
part of the Imaum; and, indeed, the 
Jam appeared to have been very parti¬ 
cular about this point, as he had the 


12 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


letter carefully interpreted into the 
Jugdala language, which is the collo¬ 
quial dialect of this country.* 

17. Independent territory of Bunpore 
under Mihrab Khan. —Without mi¬ 
nutely following Pottinger’s route, it 
may be as well to state that at Noosh- 
ky, he and Captain Christie parted, 
the latter proceeding in a north-westerly 
direction, via Herat, whilst Pottinger 
took a south-westerly direction towards 
Kerman. The first station reached by 
Pottinger of importance to the present 
enquiry, was that of Bunpore, which 
was noticed by Captain Grant as the 
seat of an independent Chief, but which 
in the present day is under a Persian 
governor. Pottinger describes Mihrab 
Khan, the independent ruler of Bun¬ 
pore in 1810, at considerable length. 
Mihrab Khan spoke of Captain Grant in 
terms of unqualified admiration and 
praise. His relations with the Persian 
Government may be gathered from the 
following extract from Pottinger’s work: 

“ Mihrab Khan begged to be informed whv 
we Firingees, or Europeans, did not root out the 
Persians (whom he styled Kafir Sheeas), saying 
“I have understood, both from Grant and 
yourself, that the English Government is emi¬ 
nently powerful; and if that is really the case, 
it will find no difficulty in exterminating that 
abominable race, for I myself can dispatch two 
hundred horsemen and ravage a whole district, 
even bringing off their very dogs.” I answered, 
that those were subjects altogether out of my 
line or sphere in life, and what I never gave 
myself the trouble to think upon. 

“ 1 was n ? w desirous, in my turn, of ascer¬ 
taining precisely the terms on which the Persians 
and Belooches, in general, stood with each other, 
as a clue by which to regulate my conduct on 
reaching Nurmansheer; and I therefore enquired 
if the intercourse was frequent between him and 
the government of Kirman, or if any species of 


Pottinger, p. 19. 






FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


13 


trade was carried on between the two countries. 

“ Intercourse ! ” rejoined he, laughing, “ no; we 
have had none for these last two years, nor is it 
likely to be again renewed: a few months an¬ 
terior to that period Shah Mihrab Khan, Qaem 
Khan (neighbouring Chiefs), and myself, sent our 
collective armies on a Chupao (i. e., raid) into 
Laristan,* * * § and laid waste that province. It was 
in our possession for nigh three months, and when 
the troops came away, having immense flocks of 
camels, they brought all the grain and dates ; 
the consequence was, that there were no reve¬ 
nues forthcoming, and the Hakim of Meenabf 
was called to Kirman to be made answerable for 
the defalcation; but when he represented the 
true statement of the business to the Shahza- 
duh,J he was released from confinement, and 
two messengers were forthwith dispatched with 
threatening Fur mans § to us. We were apprized 
of this, and wrote to Moorad Khan of Basman, 
to advise them not to advance nearer than that 
village; so there they staid until we transmitted 
them letters for the Prince, setting him and his 
threats at defiance, and telling him that he was 
an infamous blackguard.” 

“ This explanatory reply was so interlarded 
with opprobrious epithets and virulent abuse, 
that it was impossible to hear it without laugh¬ 
ter ; and to increase the effect, the old fellow 
worked himself quite into a rage, and pounded 
the ground as vehemently with his mace, as 
though he had been wreaking his vengeance on 
the bones of the Persians. He afterwards entered 
into a prolix enumeration of the various kinds 
of booty that had fallen to his share, the aggre¬ 
gate of which he valued at six thousand rupees, 
a sum that, though ostensibly small, will be' 
looked upon in quite a contrary light, if we call-, 
to mind that there were the combined troops of 
three powerful chieftains serving on the 
Chupao ; that it was made into a tract natural¬ 
ly sterile and thinly peopled; and that every 
individual, unless it were the Khanuzads, or 
household slaves of the leaders, received a divi¬ 
dend equivalent to his rank and achievements. 
The principal articles specified by him were 

* The south-eastern province of Persia. 

f The capital of Laristan. 

X A prince, from Shah, a king, and Zaeedun, to be born. 

§ Royal letters are so called. 


4 




14 


MEMOBANDUM ON THE 


slaves of both sexes, camels, dates, wheat, 
carpets, matchlocks, and other weapons; horses 
they seldom get hold of, as the principal inhabi¬ 
tants, to whom they usually belong, mount 
them on the first alarm, to be prepared for 
flight.”* 

18. Basman, the last town in Beloo- 
chistan.— Pottinger describes Basman 
as the last town in Beloochistan, and 
Began, as the first town in the Persian 
district of Nurmansheer. The Sirdar 
of Basman was Moorad Khan, who had 
married a daughter of Mihrab Khan 
of Bunpore about two years before 
Pottinger’s visit, and received the Sir¬ 
darship as her dowry. Basman was 
already half Persian. The address of 
the Sirdar is said to have been marked 
with all the Persian politeness and 
urbanity, and this was the first point 
reached by Pottinger where Persian was 
the colloquial language.! 

19. Regan, the first town on Persian 
territory.— Began is described by Pot¬ 
tinger as being the first town in the 
province of Nurmansheer, and, conse¬ 
quently, the first in Persian territory. 
Indeed,from his account, it seems to have 
presented every appearance of being a 
border town. On his arrival the people 
thought his party were the forerunners 
of a Chupao, or inroad, of Belooches, 
and the Chief of Began, Abbas Allee 
Khan, was himself a Beloochee, though 
under the authority of Buslieed Khan, 
the Governor of the province of Nur¬ 
mansheer. Pottinger says “ Began is a 
“ very neat mud fort, or rather fortified 
“ village, forming a square of about 250 
“ yards each face. The walls were high, 
“ and kept in excellent repair, with bas- 
“ tions at the corners and in the centre. 
“ There was but one gate, which led un- 
“ der the southern central bastion ; and 


Pottinger, pp. 173-174. f Pottinger, p. 184. 



FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


15 


“ a guard was constantly kept there to 
“ prevent strangers from having ingress 
“ to the place, a precaution which exists 
“ throughout the whole of this province. 

“ In addition to the fixed watchmen at 
“ the gateway, who are Toofungchees or 
“ matchlockmen, paid by the govern- 
cc ment, sentinels mount in all the bas- 
“ tions round the works as soon as it is 
“ dark, and keep a very vigilant look-out 
“ the whole night, frequently hallooing 
“ and shouting, to encourage each other, 
“ and warn any skulkers who may he 
“outside that they are on the alert. 
“These nocturnal tours of duty being 
“ for the safety of the common weal, are 
“ voluntarily performed by the inhabi- 
“ tants, who live in a continual state of 
“alarm and apprehension, originating 
“ in their dread of the Belooches of 
« Surhud, Bunpore, and other districts 
“to the eastward, who seldom fail to 
«pay them, or some other part of the 
“ Persian dominions, a hostile visit once 
« or twice a year. The Chief of Began, 
“ Abbas Allee Khan, is a Beloochee by 
“birth, as are most of those who live 
“under his authority.”* 

20. Recent absorption of Nurmansheer 
by Persia. —It would appear from Pot- 
tinger’s narrative that, for some years 
previous to his visit, Persia had been 
pushing her frontier further and further 
to the east, in the same fashion as in 
more modern times. Thus, in 1810, the 
province of Nurmansheer was included 
in Persian Territory, and placed under 
the authority of a Persian Governor; 
hut previously, and until the commence¬ 
ment of the present century, the pro¬ 
vince had been in the possession of 
Ghiljyee Affghans. Pottinger’s account 
of Nurmansheer, and of the expulsion 


* Pottinger, pp. 189-190. 




1G 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


of the Affghans by the Persians, is well 
worthy of notice, and is accordingly 
here extracted in full:— 

“The province of Nurmansheer extends, in 
length, from the waste dividing it from Beloo- 
chistan to the city of Bamm, about eighty-five 
miles ; and, in breadth, from thirty to seventy- 
five. Its boundary to the westward is the 
province of Kirman, of which, I-believe, it is 
now deemed a component district; to the east¬ 
ward it has the desert, as already mentioned ; 
and, north and south, two ranges of mountains, 
the last of which are by much the highest, and 
I imagine, at all seasons, crowned with snow, 
as they were so when I saw them, at which 
period it was exceedingly hot in the plain 
beneath. 

“ It is not more than nine years since the 
Ghiijyee Affghans,* who had long possessed 
Nurmansheer, were expelled from it by the Per¬ 
sian government, which has invited the tribes 
inhabiting the frontiers of Beloochistan to re¬ 
people the deserted villages; and, since their 
colonization, they have all embraced the Sheea 
Islamism, and exult extremely at the empty 
honor of being subjects of the King of Persia. 
Of the Ghiljyees, who were thus driven from 
their homes, the greatest number fled to the 
province of Seistan, and the cities of Khubees, 
Neh, and Ghayn, in Khorasan; a few of them 
are also settled at Kelat in Beloochistan. They 
were not themselves the original inhabitants of 
this province, but sprung from a colony that 
settled there, after the Affghan invasion of 
Persia in 1719. Whether this settlement was 
effected by treaty, or from what tribe they 
wrested it, is a point that I am unable to de¬ 
cide. I however conjecture that they obtained 
it amicably from Nadir Shah, for although, as 
the commander-in-chief of the armies of Shah 
Thamasp, the last and one of the weakest 
sovereigns of the Suffeveea dynasty, of whom, 
in fact, he was more the director than the sub¬ 
missive general, that famous warrior entirely 
subverted the usurped and unstable authority of 
the Affghans in Persia, he did so as a step 
towards his own aggrandizement; and as all 


The Ghiljyees are a great class of the Affghan nation. 



EROUTIERS OP PERSIA. 


17 


accounts agree that he was exceedingly partial 
to his Affghan subjects, after he had obtained 
the royal dignity, it may be justly concluded 
that, having removed the Ghiljyees of Nurman- 
sheer from the scope of his ambition, by reduc¬ 
ing them to the most abject obedience, he was 
happy to procure them an asylum in that empire, 
of which he, even at that time, calculated on 
being the future monarch. In support of this 
surmise, it appears that they continued to enjoy 
this fertile tract unmolested throughout the 
zenith of his glory ; they also conciliated his 
successors, and were on such friendly terms with 
Zunds, that they assisted the later princes of 
that race in their quarrels with the ruling 
family, a circumstance to which their extirpation 
is to be ascribed.* 

“The city of Bumm was, until the expulsion 
of the Affghans, as just related, the frontier town 
of the Province of Kirman; the reduction of it 
had repeatedly been attempted by them within 
the last twenty years, assisted by the neigh¬ 
bouring Beloocbes, as a retaliation for the in¬ 
roads made by the royal forces into Nurman- 
sheer; and the fortifications have in consequence 
been so vastly strengthened, that they are now 
accounted beyond any comparison the most 
defensible in Persia. They have an elevated 
site, and at present consist of a very high and 
thick mud wall, a deep, broad, and dry ditch, 
with six large bastions on each face, exclusive 
of those at the corners, which are higher by 
many yards than the others; the whole is built 
of mud mixed with straw and fibrous substances, 
and there is one gate between the two centre 
bastions of the southern face. The citadel is 
on the highest part of the eminence on which 
the town is built, and is well fortified with a 
lofty wall, and towers at each corner; the area 
thus enclosed is entirely occupied by the Go¬ 
vernor’s palace, and buildings belonging to it. 

“ The widely scattered ruins, and remains of 
demolished buildings, round the present fort, 
demonstrate the immense extent of the former 
city of Bumm, which is reputed to have been, 
in point of magnificence, in the days of its 
splendour, equal to any other in Persia. The 

* A farther account of this Affghan occupation of 
Nurmansheer will be found in para. 28. 



18 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


Affghans, when they invaded that kingdom in 
1719, are usually allowed to have been the 
original beautifiers, but not the founders of it, 
as the town itself was of much more ancient 
date. It is also quite certain that, whatever 
might have been the state of it, when the 
Ghiljyees became masters of it, they were 
eventually the sole cause, if not the actual per¬ 
petrators, of its dilapidation.”* 

21. Bunder Abbass under tlie Imaum, 
but tributary to Persia.—Pottinger’s 
information concerning Gombaroon, or 
Bunder Abass, is more explicit than 
that of Captain Grant, though in 
both cases it was obtained on the spot. 
Pottinger’s account is here given in his 
own words :— 

“ Gombaroon was anciently the seat of vast 
traffic, as it served for the continental Bunder, 
or emporium, of the island of Ormuz; and 
when Shah Abass the Great, wrested that mart 
from the Portuguese, about the year 1623, he 
transferred the whole commerce of it, then the 
most extensive in Asia, if not in the world, to 
Gombaroon, and honoured that town by calling 
it Bunder Abass, or the port of Abass. It 
flourished for a short time, but on the death of 
Abass in 1629-30, his successors had either not 
the means or the wish to protect this colony, 
which was soon harassed by the people on the 
sea coast of Laristan, and other predatory and 
piratical tribes. The English and Portuguese 
companies gradually withdrew their agents and 
factories, and as other speculators were deterred 
from venturing there with their goods, owing to 
the imbecility of the government and its inability 
to afford them a safeguard, the place went rapidly 
to decay. It still carries on trade with Muskat, 
and several ports of India, the Ped Sea, and 
east coast of Africa; and is garrisoned by the 
troops of the Imam of the former town, who 
pays an annual tribute to the King of Persia of 
four thousand Toomans,t which amount is re¬ 
ported, in some years, to exceed the whole cus¬ 
toms. The town is dirty and ill-built: the 
streets narrow, dark, and choked up with ruins ; 
and, till within these six years, the works were 


* Pottinger, pp. 199-202. 
f 4,000?. Sterling, or 32,000 Rupees. 




FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


19 


equally neglected; but the alarm caused by the 
Juwassmee Arab pirates induced the Imam to 
repair them, and they are now capable of making 
a tolerable defence against an Asiatic enemy.”* 

A similar account is given by Kin- 
neir in bis Geographical Memoir of the 
Persian Empire (1816), who, however, 
makes the amount of customs consider¬ 
ably less. The passage is here ex¬ 
tracted :— 

“ The town of Bunder Abbas, or Gomberoon, 
(the ancient Harmozia ), is situated in a barren 
country, in a bay of the Gulf of Ormuz. It is 
subject to the Imam of Muskat, and fortified 
with double walls. This was, at one time, the 
first sea-port in Persia, and is still a place of 
considerable trade. The customs amount to 
twenty thousand Rupees a year; for which, and 
the tribute of Minab, the Imam accounts to the 
king of Persia.”t 

3rd. Travels of Hajee Abdun Nu- 
bee in Beloochistan, 1838-39.—The 
investigations of Captain Grant and 
Lieutenant Pottinger had been carried 
on in consequence of the threatened 
advance of Napoleon I. upon India; 
and therefore, after the abdication of the 
Erench Emperor, no further interest was 
taken in that quarter until the threaten¬ 
ed advance of Russia twenty-eight years 
afterwards, and the Persian siege of 
Herat in 1837-88. In 1838, Major 
Leech, who was Resident at the Court 
of Mehrab Khan, Chief of Khelat, dis¬ 
patched a Mekran merchant named 
Hajee Abdun Nubee, to procure infor¬ 
mation respecting Mekran and the sur¬ 
rounding parts of Beloochistan ; promis¬ 
ing in return to compensate the Hajee 
for the temporary abandonment of his 


* Pottinger, p. 228. 

t Kinneir’s Geographical Memoir, p. 201. This ac¬ 
count is also confirmed by Sir John Malcolm, in a letter 
addressed to the Governor General (Lord Minto), dated 
10th October 1810. Further evidence upon the same sub¬ 
ject will be found at paras. 42 et seq. 




20 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


mercantile pursuits. The Notes taken 
by Abdun Nubee during his tour, were 
subsequently arranged and translated 
by Major Leech, and published in two 
separate communications in the Jour¬ 
nal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
for 1844. Judging, however, from the 
European tone of the Notes, and the 
European modes of thought prevailing 
throughout, there is reason to believe 
that Hajee Abdun Nubee is a myth, 
and that the real traveller was Major 
Leech himself in disguise. Be this, 
however, as it may, the Notes are of 
value as indicating the changes already 
in progress, as well as supplying further 
information. The Hajee proceeded 
from Khelat, via Bunpore and Jask, to 
Muscat, and thence returned along the 
coast; hut for the convenience of com¬ 
paring his accounts with those- of Pot- 
tinger and Grant, it has been deemed 
expedient to extract such information 
as bears upon the present enquiries, and 
to exhibit it as nearly as possible in the 
order of the routes followed by the two 
preceding travellers, and under the 
following heads, viz., Gwadir, Gwuttur, 
Choubar, Bunpore, Basman, Nurman- 
sheer, and Jask. 

23. Gwadir under the Imaum of Mus¬ 
cat—The Hajee distinctly states that 
the port of Gwadir belonged to the 
Imaum of Muscat. He says that, on 
the part of the Imaum, there was a 
Resident Governor, by name Walee 
Mahommed, an Arab. The proceeds of 
the port at that time amounted to 3,500 
Eranca rials, the value of each rial in 
Bombay being two Rupees and two 
annas. The people of Gwadir were at 
that period (1839) much discontented 
with the Government. on account of 
Walee Mahommed charging both the 
Gwadir and Muscat duties on vessels go- 


FEONTIEBS OF PEBSIA. 


21 


ing direct to Bussorah, carrying carpets, 
grain bags, goats’ hair, &c., because, as 
the Governor of Gwadir said, those ves¬ 
sels formerly went to Muscat and there 
of course paid the Muscat duties. The 
two ports of Gwadir and Choubar are 
said to have formerly belonged half 
to the Grohkees and half to the 
Brahoees.* The Brahoees’ half was 
given in grant by Meer Nusseer Khan 
[the Chief of Khelat, and Beglierbey 
of Beloochistan during the greater 
part of the eighteenth centuryf] to 
the Imaum of Muscat, father of Sayed 
Sultan, who took refuge at Khelat 
during some convulsion of his own 
State. { As the Brahoee State [ ? Khe¬ 
lat] grew weak and the Muscat Govern¬ 
ment became strong, the two former 
ports of Jeewaree and Pasanee were 
superseded by the new ones of Gwadir, 
Choubar, and the Gikkee; half of the 
latter port had also been confiscated 
by the Imaum. Gwadir was subject to 
the foray of the people of Mand, on 
account of the quantity of powder and 
lead constantly lying at the port.§ 

24. Gwuttur under the Meer Sush- 
karan.—This port, the first visited by 
Captain Grant, is situated between the 
port of Gwadir on the east, and that 
of Choubar on the west. The fort 
[ ? port] belonged to Meer Sushkaran. 
The proceeds of the port amounted to 
130 rials. The port was a small one, 


* The Brahoees were more or less under the Khan 
of Khelat, who is styled by Masson “ the Brahooe 
Khan of Khelat,” as a distinguishing name of the 
dynasty. I cannot, however, find out who the Grohkees 
were. I fancy they must have been the same as the 
tribe of Gichkees, a Sikh colony, who in a similar 
fashion received half the revenue of Panjoor.—Journal 
of the Asiatic Society, Yol. XIII., pp. 678 and 802. 

f See para. 35. 

X See para. 37. 

§ Journal of Asiatic Society, Yol. XIII., p. 802. 

6 




22 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


having only 15 huts of people; and as 
nothing is said about the farming of 
the revenue, it is assumed that the col¬ 
lections were directly appropriated hy 
Meer Sushkaran. This port is said to 
have been previously one of the prin¬ 
cipal on the Mekran coast, but had 
been deserted in favour of Gwadir, 
owing to the tyranny and extortions of 
the Governor of Keij. Here, as in the 
case of Gwadir, not the slightest allu¬ 
sion is made to the exercise of any power 
or pretensions of any kind or sort on 
the part of Persia.* 

25. Account of Choubar.—Choubar be¬ 
longed to the Imaum of Muscat, who 
realized from it 2,120 tomans. The 
farm of the port was granted to IJsman 
Jagdal, who was the principal trader 
of Choubar. Meer Abdee, Chief of the 
Dashtgorees, received 530 rials for 
protecting the port from inroads from 
the interior. The Chief of Geh likewise 
received 40 ducats, the amount of some 
hereditary right. The duties levied on 
goods from the interior were farmed for 
150 rials, which sum was paid to Meer 
Abdee. This point is worthy of notice, 
inasmuch as it indicates that Meer 
Abdee, Chief of the Dashtgorees, was the 
protecting Chief; .and here again no¬ 
thing whatever is said respecting any 
fraction of either sea or land customs 
going to Persia,! nor of any protection 
being awarded by Persia. 

26. Bunpore, still independent, under 
the son of Mehrab Khan.—At the 
time of the Hajee’s visit, early in 1839, 
the district of Bunpore was still inde¬ 
pendent of Persia, and under the Go¬ 
vernment of Mahommed Ali Khan, son 
of Mehrab Khan. This ruler had a 


* Journal of Asiatic Society, Yol. XIII., p. 801. 
f Idem, p. 799. 



FEONTIEES OF PEESIA. 


23 


force constantly kept up of 500 men 
of liis own tribe, and 80 slaves of his 
own purchasing. He collected his re¬ 
venue at the rate of 300 Bunpore 
maunds per gooband ,—an area of land 
which takes 400 Bunpore maunds to 
sow. The Chiefs of Mahommed Ali’s 
own tribe had lately quarrelled with 
him, and had gone over to Prince 
Temz Mirza,* to invite him to invade 
Bunpore. The Hajee had several inter¬ 
views with Mahommed Ali, and the 
latter even took the Hajee into bis Port 
at Bunpore, and lodged and entertained 
him for several days. During this time 
Mahommed Ali spoke much of the in¬ 
tended advance of the Persians, and 
showed the Hajee his preparations, 
which consisted of flooding a few yards 
of ditch in front of the gate. The Ha¬ 
jee also remarks that the people of 
Bunpore often spoke of a -gentleman 
who had come there in the time of 
Mehrab Khan, and purchased horses 
which he had paid for at Choubar. He 
travelled with trunks and tents, took 
notes of the country, and was very fond 
of walking in the fields. They called 
him Gurand Sahib, (Captain Grant) and 
said that he had been well treated dur¬ 
ing his stay.f 

Basman: Persian advance threaten¬ 
ed.—Prom Bunpore the Hajee proceed¬ 
ed to Basman, and it would seem that 
here, as in Bunpore, fears were already 
entertained of a Persian invasion. The 
Chief of Basman was Shahbaz Khan, 
a Koord; and Mahommed Ali of Bun¬ 
pore had sent ammunition to this 
Chief to enable him to hold out his 
Port, which was but a small one, 
against the Persians. The day after 
leaving Basman, the Hajee was eDcoun- 


* Apparently a Persian Shazada. 
t Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. XIII., pp. 699-701. 





24 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


tered by a party of men who charged 
him with being a Persian spy, and not 
only plundered him, but would have 
sold him for a slave had he not sub¬ 
sequently effected his escape,* 

28. The Hajee’s account of the Persian 
occupation of Nurmansheer.—The ac¬ 
count given by the Hajee of the Persian 
rule in Nurmansheer is not very clear, 
but still the following information may 
be elicited which adds some additional 
light to Pottinger’s narrative. In the 
reign of Putteh Ali Shah, who reigned 
over Persia between 1796 and 1834, 
Putteh Khan Tokhee was Governor of 
Nurmansheer, part of which district he 
held in Jaglieer, as his father had done 
before him. The Hajee states that the 
father of Putteh Khan Tokhee was 
a Ghiljee, who had been originally 
brought with other Ghiljees from his 
native country as hostages by Nadir 
Shah about 1740. Mahommed Shah, 
who succeeded Putteh Ali on the throne 
of Persia in 1834, maintained that he 
no longer required hostages from Aff- 
ghanistan, and ordered Putteh Khan 
Tokhee to vacate Bamean [ ? Bumm], 
and retire beyond the Persian frontier. 
This he did not do until besieged in the 
fort, which he gallantly defended. At 
last being obliged to evacuate, he retir¬ 
ed to Seisthan and resided there for a 
year; after which he paid a visit and 
offered his services to his former friend, 
the Khan of Bushkurd, who promised 
him the Government of Punoch, pro¬ 
vided he could conquer it from the 
Belooches. Putteh Khan Tokhee suc¬ 
ceeded in this attempt, and was enjoy¬ 
ing the Government of Punoch in 1839 
when the Hajee visited the place. The 
English Government was at that time 
in possession of the Island of Karrach, 

* Journal of Asiatic Society, YbL, XIII., p . 703. 



ERONTIERS OE PERSIA. 


25 


and Eutteh Khan offered his services by 
letter to the Resident at Bushire. He 
was also said to have great influence 
in Kirman, from being a great ally of 
Aghar Khan, the head of a large religi¬ 
ous sect, and one of the Persian mal¬ 
contents.* Erom this account it would 
seem that the Persian supremacy had 
been again withdrawn from Nurman- 
sheer subsequent to Pottinger’s visit, 
and probably in consequence of the ad¬ 
vance of Russia on her opposite fron¬ 
tier; whilst the designs against Herat 
which Mahommed Shah had formed in 
the early part of his reign, had proba¬ 
bly led him to complete the re-occupa¬ 
tion of the district. 

General Eerrier, in his “ Caravan 
Journies,” puts the matter in a different 
light. According to his account the 
Affghans were permitted to occupy the 
territory on condition of guarding the 
frontiers against the advance of their 
countrymen from Kandahar; but the 
Persians of the district were so disgusted 
at the presence of the Affghans, that 
they fled from the neighbourhood; and 
the Affghans, disgusted in their turn at 
the exclusiveness of the Persians, tried 
in 1845 to obtain permission to settle 
in Kandahar, then under the Govern¬ 
ment of Kohendil Shah. It would 
seem, however, that Kohendil Shah re¬ 
fused to admit such a tribe of bandits 
into his dominions; and it does not ap¬ 
pear w r hat became of them afterwards. 

Account of Jask.—The country of 
Jask belonged to the Imaum of Muscat, 
whose resident deputy was Meer Hajee. 
It was hounded on the east by the 
river Seereech, beyond which was the 
district of Gik ; on the west by Seereek; 


* Journal of Asiatic Society, Yol. XIII., p. 787. 
t Ferrier’s Caravan Journeys, p. 805. 

7 



26 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


on the north by the Bashkurd moun¬ 
tains, four koss distant; and on the 
south by the sea. The revenue was 
estimated at about 500 tomans, of 
which the Imaum receives 300 tomans. 
"When there was rain a tax was levied 
of one-fourth of the produce, which 
might amount to 6,000 Jask maunds, 
none of which, however, reached the 
Imaum. Meer Hajee, the resident 
deputy of the Imaum, had nine sons, of 
whom the eldest was Governor of Sereek. 
The proceeds of the port of J ask were 
appropriated by Sumael Bijad, who was 
the Imaum’s Jemadar of Balooches. Its 
farm amounted to 100 rials.* 

30. (4th.) Route of Mr. Macleod on the 
Mekran coast, 1853.—Having thus fol¬ 
lowed the routes of Grant, Pottinger, 
and Hajee Abdun Nubee, it will be ne¬ 
cessary to examine the report of Mr. 
Macleod, who furnishes the most im¬ 
portant evidence respecting the advances 
of Persia along the coast of Mekran 
within the last ten or fifteen years. The 
circumstances were as follows:—In 1853 
Mr. Macleod, Deputy Collector of the 
Customs at Kurrachee, paid a visit to 
certain ports on the Mekran coast; and 
the particulars of what he saw were 
embodied in a separate memorandum 
by Sir Bartle Prere, then Commissioner 
in Scinde, and submitted to the Go¬ 
vernment of India. This memorandum, 
being like the one drawn up by Captain 
Grant in 1809, an original document of 
considerable importance, has been print¬ 
ed in extenso in Appendix II.; but the 
results may be exhibited as follows:— 

31. Encroachments of Persia ; occupa- 
tion of Bunpore and Kuserkund, and 
advance towards Gwadir, 1853 — At 

# By the farm I assume the amount annually paid 
by the Jemadar to the Imaum in return for appro¬ 
priating the proceeds. 





FRONTIERS 03? PERSIA. 


27 


the time of Mr. Macleod’s visit the town 
of Gwadir was a thriving place, ruled 
by an Officer known as the “Wullee” 
of the Imaum of Muscat, who received 
the customs and town dues. The Khan 
of Khelat, however, was considered the 
sovereign of all beyond the town walls; 
hut his local* representative was Fu- 
keer Mahomed, Chief of Kej, who was 
universally regarded as a great tyrant. 
Mr. Macleod was greatly struck by all 
he heard of the annual advances made 
by Persia in that direction. The people 
of Gwadir stated to him, that it was 
only within the six or seven previ¬ 
ous years that the Persians had been 
aggressive ; but that during that period 
they had yearly advanced their frontier 
several stages towards Gwadir. Two 
years previously they had occupied 
Bunpore, and since then they had oc¬ 
cupied Kuserkund; and advanced par¬ 
ties had levied tribute in the Shah’s 
name up to the river of Kej, which runs 
not more than forty miles to the west 
of Gwadir. The people of Gwadir fully 
expected that the Persians during the 
coming season (1854) would advance 
and occupy the place, as they had 
threatened to do the previous year 
(1852). Mr. Macleod did not consider 
that the enterprise would be a very 
difficult one, as he thought that a score 
of resolute well-armed men would be 
able to eject the “Wullee” and the 
few Arabs who formed his escort. 

32. Policy of the Government of India. 

_The visit of Mr. Macleod to the Mek- 

ran coast was undertaken ten years ago, 
when the idea of carrying a telegra¬ 
phic wire through Asia had not been 
enunciated. Thus the Military im¬ 
portance of the country was alone 
taken into consideration, and Mr. Mac¬ 
leod merely represented that any power 


28 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


in possession of Gwadir might with 
ease push out small bodies of light 
troops towards Scinde, and thus divert 
the attention of the power occupying 
the line of the Indus from an attack 
made in the direction of Candahar or 
Cabul. Accordingly when the memo¬ 
randum from the Commissioner of 
Scinde was forwarded to the Supreme 
Government, Lord Dalhousie was not 
disposed to attach any great weight to 
the alleged advances of Persia into 
Mekran ; but he considered that a copy 
of the Commissioner’s Report and letter 
should be sent to the British Minister 
at Persia, and that he should be re¬ 
quested to ascertain the truth of these 
alleged advances and their object. This 
appears to have been done, but no reply 
seems to have been received. 

II-—Relations of Persia with the Khan 
of Khelat. 

33. Indefinite pretensions of Persia to 
the eastward —It will be seen from the 
foregoing paragraphs, that the advances 
of Persia along the Mekran coast have 
apparently been at the expense of two 
different Chiefs, viz., the Khan of Khelat 
and the Imaum of Muscat. Inasmuch, 
therefore, as Persia has some indefinite 
and traditional pretensions to this line 
of country, it may be necessary to con¬ 
sider the foundations of such preten¬ 
sions by reviewing her relations with 
the Khan and Imaum. What those 
pretensions really are may be gathered 
from the following extract fromMorier’s 
Narrative of a Second Journey through 
Persia in 1810-1816, as Secretary to the 
embassy under Sir George Ouseley 

“ 0n the 8th of February we saw Cape 
Monze [*. <?. the head land running out close to 
Kurrachee on the west]. At the sight of this 
land we congratulated the Persian Ambassador 
upon seeing his native soil once again; for ah 


FBONTIEKS OF PEBSIA. 


29 


though Eatteh Ali Shah [sovereign of Persia in 
1810] has no more control over the territories 
of Scinde and Mekran than he has over China, 
jet the Persians do not cease to call them a 
part of their country. In 1739, indeed, the 
Indus was the limit of Persia, and consequently 
Cape Monze was included in its territory, but 
such limits only lasted as long as the power of 
Nadir Shah lasted, and since then they have 
retired to the boundaries of the province of 
Kirman, which on the sea coast terminate at 
Cape Jasques. According to Arrian the river 
Arabis, which flows behind Cape Monze, formed 
the limits of India in the time of Alexander; 
but in the present wild state of this part of Asia, 
it would be difficult to establish any specific 
boundary.”* 

34. History of Khelat.—The details con¬ 
nected with the annals of Khelat may 
be gathered from a “ Brief History of 
Khelat” drawn up by Major Leech in 
1841. This document is of some value 
as an original authority, and is accord¬ 
ingly printed as Appendix IY. to the 
present Memorandum. These details 
have been compared with those in 
Masson’s Memoir on Eastern Beloochis- 
tan, Eerrier’s History of the AfFghans, 
Pottinger’s Travels in Beloochistan, the 
Bombay Selections, and an article in 
the last edition of the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica; from all of which it would 
appear that the leading points in the 
History of Khelat are as follows:— 

35. 1st Period : Persian ascendancy 
down to the death of Nadir, ante 
1747 .—The History of Khelat prior to the 
time of Nadir Shah of Persia, and of the 
celebrated Nusseer Khan, Chief of 
Khelat, is of little consequence to the 
present enquiry. It will be sufficient 
to remark that according to tradition, 
Khelat was originally under a Hindoo 
ruler of Rajpoot extraction, but that at 
an early period it passed into the hands 


* Morier’s Second Journey, p. 24. 

8 . 




30 


MEMOEAJTDXTM OS' THE 


of Persia, probably at one of those recur¬ 
ring intervals during which Persia was 
a conquering power. Subsequently a 
Persian Governor of Georgian extraction 
was appointed to Khelat, and this man’s 
tyrannical debauchery in carrying off 
the daughters of the peasantry led to 
a successful rebellion on the part of 
the Khelatees, and to the establishment 
of an independent rule under a Chief 
named Ahmed Khan, the progenitor 
of the late Khans of Khelat.* 

Nothing of importance appears to have 
followed this event until the rise of 
Nadir Shah, at which period Abdulla 
Khan was Chief of Khelat. Nadir Shah 
established his authority in Beloochis- 
tan, and continued Abdulla Khan in the 
Government of the country. Abdulla 
carried on a war with the Kalora Chiefs 
of Scinde, and was slain in a battle, 
leaving two sons; the elder succeeded 
to the Chiefship of Khelat, but subse¬ 
quently proving an oppressive tyrant 
was set aside in favour of his younger 
brother Nusseer Khan. This latter Chief 
became the most famous and powerful 
of all the Khans of Khelat, and was 
appointed by Nadir Shah in 1739 to be 
Beglierbey over the whole of Beloochis- 
tan. Under Nadir Shah the Persian 
empire extended to the Indus for the 


* The progress of affairs at Khelat corresponds so 
nearly with the progress of affairs at Candahar, that 
the coincidence is worthy of a passing notice. Can¬ 
dahar was wrested from the Mogul Emperors of 
Delhi by the Persians in 1642, during the reign of 
Shah Abbas II., and was retained by Persia until 
the end of the 17th century. About that time 
a Georgian Governor was appointed to Candahar, 
whose proceedings, resembling those of the Geor¬ 
gian Governor at Khelat, at last drove the Aff- 
ghans to rebellion. The result, however, was that 
the Affghans not only asserted their independence, 
but surged up to Ispahan, and established their own 
yoke over the Persian empire, which they maintained 
until somewhere about 1730, when they were finally 
driven back to their own territory by Nadir Shah. 



FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


31 


last time; he died in 1747, and up to 
that year Nusseer Khan acknowledged 
the supremacy of Persia. 

36. 2nd Period : Affghan ascendancy, 
1747-1839.— On the death of Nadir Shah 
the Persian empire collapsed, and a 
new power arose in Affghanistan in the 
person of Ahmed Shah the Dooranee, 
who subsequently overthrew the Mah- 
ratta confederacy on the one hand, and 
very nearly annexed the Persian empire 
on the other. Nusseer Khan of Khelat 
promptly transferred his allegiance to 
Ahmed Shah immediately after the 
death of Nadir; and this he was 
enabled to do with impunity, for not 
only was Persia distracted by the 
convulsions which followed the death of 
Nadir, hut Kurreem Khan, who even¬ 
tually succeeded to the throne of Persia, 
had quite enough to do in maintaining 
tranquillity within the limits of Persia 
Proper, without making any attempt to 
re-annex AfFghanistan, or to put down 
the revolt of Beloochistan. Meantime 
Nusseer Khan was not only Chief of 
the districts in the immediate neigh¬ 
bourhood of Khelat, but was master of 
all Beloochistan; and whilst he im¬ 
proved and fortified the city of Khelat, 
he established the internal government 
of all the provinces in his dominions. 
At length in 1758 he threw off his 
allegiance to the King of Cabul, and 
declared himself independent. A war 
ensued between Nusseer Khan and 
Shah Ahmed, which resulted in a treaty, 
by which it was agreed that the Khan 
of Khelat should not be called upon for 
tribute, but that he should furnish a 
contingent of troops whenever the 
Affghan monarch made war beyond the 
boundaries of his kingdom, and receive 
in return an allowance in cash equal to 
the half of their pay. It was also 


32 


MEMOEANDUM ON THE 


stipulated that the Khan of Khelat 
should not he compelled to furnish his 
contingent for the support of one 
Affghan Chief against another, nor 
indeed be obliged to take a part in the 
internal quarrels that might arise 
between the Affghans themselves. Nus- 
seer Khan reigned for fifty-six years, 
during which period he seems to have 
proved an active, warlike, and politic 
prince. He died in 1795, and was 
succeeded by his son Mulimood, who 
reigned for twenty-four years, and 
was in his turn succeeded by his son 
Mehrab Khan, who was slain at the 
storming of Khelat by the English in 
1839. During the reign of Muhmood, 
the country of Beloochistan was dis¬ 
turbed by sanguinary intestine broils, 
and the Governors of several provinces 
and districts withdrew their allegiance 
from the Chief of Khelat. The follow¬ 
ing extract from Pottinger’s work will 
perhaps convey the most authentic 
account of the internal and external 
condition of Beloochistan during this 
period. 

“ The general complexion of the Government 
at Kelat, and all over Beloochistan, cannot very 
easily be defined; and must necessarily be 
always fluctuating with the different views that 
the Chiefs may have, or revolutions that occur. 
When Nusseer Khan was in his full power, the 
whole kingdom might have been said to have 
been governed by a complete despotism, because 
no one could dispute or abrogate any of his 
orders and laws; yet, at the same time, that 
ruler so tempered the supreme authority, by 
granting the feudal chiefs privileges within their 
own tribes, that, to a casual observer, it bore 
the appearance of a military confederation. 

“ The tribes all exercise the right of selecting 
their own Sirdar or head; but that office, when 
once fixed, appears to be hereditary. The Khan 
of Kelat, nevertheless, reserves to himself the 
nominal power of disapproving, or otherwise, 
of this selection; but I could not hear of a 


EBONTIEBS OF PEBSIA. 


33 


single instance of Nusseer Khan having at¬ 
tempted such a measure as refusing to confirm 
the nomination of the people; and since his 
son has been at the head of the Government, it 
is hardly looked upon as necessary to report to 
him their proceedings on this subject. 

" The city of Kedge and town of Gundava, 
the capitals of the provinces of Mukran and 
Kutch Gundava, were obliged to receive a 
Hakim, or governor, appointed by and subject 
to the pleasure of Nusseer Khan, although 
those places were inhabited by different tribes ; 
which was deemed by the people to be so great 
an infringement on their natural rights, that 
the governor's authority had to be upheld by 
a considerable body of troops; and the moment 
Nusseer Khan died the inhabitants expelled 
them from both places. Muhmood Khan suc¬ 
ceeded in enforcing his father's regulation in 
Gundava; but since that event Kedge has 
simply paid him a titular homage. 

“ The power of declaring war and making 
treaties, connected with the whole of Beloo- 
chistan, rested with the Khan of Kelat; and 
the Sirdars of tribes had no option with regard 
to assisting him with their troops; indeed, they 
were not only bound to do so, but also to carry 
into execution such parts of the treaties entered 
into as had any relation to the tribe to which 
they belonged, even though detrimental to what 
they conceived to he their own interest or ad¬ 
vantage ; but if the common weal demanded 
a sacrifice of that nature from any particular 
community, the Khan of Kelat was expected 
to make it an equivalent compensation.''* 

Grant of Choubar and Gwadir to 
the Imaum of Muscat by the Khan of 
Khelat — It has already been stated on 
the authority of Hajee Abdun Nubee, 
that the two ports of Gwadir and Chou¬ 
bar originally belonged half to the 
Grohkees and half to the Brahoees; 
and that Meer Nusseer Khan, the Chief 
of Khelat, ceded the half belonging to 
the Brahoees to the Imaum of Muscat. 
This statement is also confirmed, or 


9 


* Pottinger, pp. 289-290. 




34 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


reiterated, by Major Leech in his “ Brief 
History of Khelat.” 

38. Present condition of Khelat 1839- 
63.—Under this head it will he scarcely 
necessary to do more than submit the 
following extracts from official and 
other authorities, indicating the present 
relations of the Khan to Cabul and the 
British power, and the extent of his 
territory. 

The preamble and first Article of the 
Treaty concluded by Major Outram on 
behalf of the East India Company with 
Nusseer Khan, the late Chief of Khelat, 
who succeeded to the musnud in 1841, 
will show the present political status of 
the Khans of Khelat; the Nusseer Khan 
here alluded to being the great grandson 
of the famous Nusseer Khan, the con¬ 
temporary of Nadir Shah and Ahmed 
Shah Dooranee, after whom he was 
named. 

“ Meer Nusseer Khan, son of Mehrab 
Khan, deceased, having tendered his 
allegiance and submission, the British 
Government and His Majesty Shah 
Soojah-ool-moolk recognize him, as Chief 
of the Principality of Khelat, on the 
following terms:— 

“ Article I. Meer Nusseer Khan ac¬ 
knowledges himself and his descendants 
the vassals of the King of Cabul, in 
like manner as his ancestors were 
formerly vassals of His Majesty’s an¬ 
cestors.”* 

The extent of the Khan of Khelat’s 
territory is thus indicated by Colonel 
Jacob '“ The dominions of the Khan 
of Khelat extend from Quetah on the 
north, to the sea on the coast of Mek- 
ran, a distance of near 400 miles; and 


Bombay Selection, No. XVII., p. 143. 




I'ROK'TIEBS OF PERSIA. 


35 


from the frontier of Persia beyond 
Kliarran and Punjgoor on the west, to 
the boundary of British Scinde on the 
east, a distance also of about 400 miles.* 
These data are too indefinite to prove of 
much value, as they will not point out 
the true frontier of Persia. 

Mr. Masson, in his “Memoir on 
Eastern Beloochistan,” is a little more 
explicit, but unfortunately his know¬ 
ledge of the Western Provinces, or 
those bordering on Persia, was but 
slight. He indicates, however, plainly 
that the western frontier of Khelat by 
no means formed the eastern frontier of 
Persia, for he alludes to independent 
districts lying between the two.f Kej, 
the most western province of the Khelat 
territory, and forming a country of 
much importance, is said to be now 
only under the nominal authority of 
the Khan, though its firm and steady- 
retention was always one of the mea¬ 
sures mainly engrossing the attention 
of old Nusseer Khan.J 

The following extracts from Mr. Mas¬ 
son’s work, referring to the Maritime 
Section of the territory of Khelat, are 
here given in full:— 

“The Maritime Section of Khelat territory 
comprises the countries bordering on the sea, 
from the western limits of Scinde to the vici¬ 
nity of Gwadir, whence the continued line of 
coast becomes subject to the Arab Chief of Mas- 
kat. The eastern extremity of this extensive 
tract is occupied by the province of Lass, obedi¬ 
ent to its own chief and government, yet acknow¬ 
ledging the supremacy of the Khan of Kalat. 
The remainder is a sterile sandy space, interven¬ 
ing between the ocean and the mountain chains 
supporting the more elevated provinces of the 


* Jacob’s Report in the Frontier of Upper Scinde. 
Bombay Selection, No. XYII., p. 135. 
f Masson, p. 291. 

J Masson, p. 292. 




36 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


preceding section. Unblessed by fertilizing 
springs and rivulets, its arid surface displays a 
dreary succession of yawning ravines, parched 
wastes, and undulating sand-hills. The scanty 
vegetation serves to exhibit the poverty of the 
soil, and to attest its inapplicability to culture. 
The fervid heat of the sun, on these inhospitable 
shores, is indeed moderated by the winds, which 
rage during the greater part of the year, and 
with so much violence that it becomes question¬ 
able whether the inconveniences they occasion 
are compensated by the exemptions from other 
evils which they bring with them. Yet, on 
this desolate coast, we find two small ports, 
Hormara and Pessani, flourishing by their little 
traffic, and maintaining a commercial communi¬ 
cation between the natives of the country and 
those of regions distant and beyond the seas. 
In former days—but the advantages must have 
been greater then than now—European intelli¬ 
gence did not neglect this unpromising tract. 
The substantially constructed remains of forts 
and residences on various parts of the coast, 
testify to the settlements of the Portuguese. Of 
these, a considerable one existed between Hor¬ 
mara and Pessani, at the creek of Kalamat,—a 
locality, whose interest was enchanced by the 
circumstance of its being 1 one of the recogniz- 
able stations of the Macedonian fleet under 
Nearchus. Yet, while freely admitting that 
the trade with the interior of the country in 
those days ought not to be estimated by its 
actual low scale, I cannot believe that the 
numerous Portuguese stations along the coast 
were due to it, or supported by its profits. I 
rather suppose they were intended to preserve 
the communications between their Indian ports 
and their great emporium, Ormuz, which, at 
that early era of navigation, may have been 
closed by sea during the periodical winds, as 
they are now to natives. The opulence of Or¬ 
muz is remembered but as a dream gone by, or 
as a subject to moralise upon. Its fall neces¬ 
sarily involved that of its dependent posts and 
settlements.” 

The following notices respecting the 
two small ports of Hormara and Pessa¬ 
ni, are also worth extracting :— 

“ Hormara is a small town and port of Mekran, 
containing about four hundred houses, which 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


37 


for some years has placed itself under the 
protection of the Jam of Las, to avoid being 
reduced by the Arab chief of Maskat. It re¬ 
ceives governors on the part of the Jam, and 
a nett sum of one thousand Rupees is annually 
remitted to Bela, as revenue and the price of 
protection. This little place has a smart trade 
with the interior, and its shipping frequent the 
same foreign harbours as the craft of Sunmiani. 
The country, for seven or eight days’ journey in 
every direction from Hormara, is of the most 
sterile and uninviting aspect, yet, in particular 
spots, are inhabitants located, leading a weary 
existence in the solitudes around them, but 
contented, because ignorant of better fortune. 
On the skirts of the Jabal Malan, a range which 
presses on the coast between the limits of Las 
and Hormara, a tribe of inferior consideration, 
called Gujar, have fixed their seats. Nearer, at 
a locality named Garuki, the Sangur, another 
tribe of small repute, reside under their chief, 
Mir Bijar. On the shores of the Kalamat 
creek, west of Hormara, dwell a tribe deriving 
their appellation, it may be, from the place ; 
although they believe they came originally 
from Scinde, where, they assert, the tribe still 
exists in formidable numbers. 

u Pessani is a small port, of two hundred 
houses, still farther west, dependent on which is 
the country on the coast between the limits of 
Hormara and those of Gwadir. Its chief is 
Mehrab Khan, of the Kalamati tribe just noted. 
He pays no tribute to Las or Kalat, but con¬ 
trives to avoid the acknowledgment of supre¬ 
macy to Maskat, by pretending to be a member 
of the Baloeh federation. It must be conceded, 
his little town and territory are barely worth 
the coveting. The maritime and fishing popu¬ 
lation of the little ports on the coast of Mekran, 
from Sunmiani to Charbar, are denominated 
Med, and comprise four divisions, the Gazbur, 
Hormari, Jellar Zai, and Chelmar Zai.” 

III.—Pretensions of Persia over the 
Imaum of Muscat. 

39 History of Muscat.— Before bringing 
together such information as can be 
collected respecting the Imaum’s pos¬ 
sessions on the Mekran coast, it may 

10 


38 


MEMO BAND TIM ON THE 


be desirable, as in the case of Khelat, 
to indicate the principal points in the 
progress of the relations of Muscat 
both with Persia and the British Govern¬ 
ment. The information has been 
gathered from the official narratives pub¬ 
lished in the volume of Bombay Selec¬ 
tions respecting the Persian Gulf, com¬ 
pared with the travels of Niebuhr, 
Wellsted, Buckingham, and others. 
The History of Muscat may be divided 
into four periods as follows :— 

40. 1st Period: Ascendancy of the Mus¬ 
cat Arabs, 1658-1736.— The naval power 
of the Muscat Arabs was derived in 
comparatively modern times from the 
Portuguese. It will be remembered 
that Persia never has been a naval 
power, and that the commerce in the 
Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean has 
been carried on by foreigners from time 
immemorial; even the fleet of Xerxes 
consisted wholly of Phoenicians, Egyp¬ 
tians, and Asiatic Greeks. There are 
however two epochs in the modern his¬ 
tory of the country, namely, the reign of 
Shah Abbas the Great, in the beginning 
of the seventeenth century, and the reign 
of Nadir Shah, in the early part of the 
eighteenth century, wffien the attention 
of Persia has been directed towards the 
sea. Thus in the sixteenth century the 
trade between the Persian Gulf and 
coast of Malabar was in the hands of 
the Portuguese, who not only had a 
settlement in the Island of Ormuzp 
within the Gulf, but one at Muscat 
without the Gulf, and one or more sta¬ 
tions on the Mekran coast. In 1622 
Shah Abbas, assisted by the English, 
destroyed the Portuguese settlement at 
Ormuzd, in the hope of diverting 
the trade to his own port of Bunder 
Abbass; and the Portuguese on that 
occasion seem to have retreated to their 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA, 


39 

other port of Muscat without the Gulf. 
Six years afterwards however Shah 
Abbas died, and the naval aspirations 
of Persia appear to have died with him. 
The Persian power began to decline, 
and at the same time the Portuguese 
power was on the decline also. In 1658 
the Arabs under the Imaum Seif expel¬ 
led the Portuguese from Muscat, and 
laid the foundations of their own mari¬ 
time supremacy on the ruins of that of 
their predecessors. “ This Prince,” says 
Wellsted, “ drove the Portuguese from 
“ Muscat: he took Zanzibar, and several 
“ ports on the African, a few Persian, 
“ and one or two others on the Mekran 
“ coast, with Bahrein, Kishm, and many 
“ other islands in the Persian Gulf. His 
“ descendants lost Behrein, which threw 
“ off the yoke towards the close of the 
“last century, but have retained the 
“ others.” Towards the end of the cen¬ 
tury the Arabs of Muscat carried on 
their piracies throughout the Gulf, and 
set the feeble Persian power at defiance. 
Indeed, the navigation of the Gulf was 
rendered so difficult through the in¬ 
crease of their power, that the English 
Agent at Bunder Abbass predicted that 
“ they would prove as great a plague 
“in India as the Algerines were in 
“Europe;” and during the early part of 
the eighteenth century down to about 
1736, these piratical expeditions extend¬ 
ed southward along the coast of Africa 
and westward to the coast of Malabar. 

. 2nd Period: Disputes between the 
Muscatees and the Persians, 1736- 
1787.—Meantime there had been fre¬ 
quent struggles between two Arab 
tribes for the supremacy in Oman, 
namely, the Beni Yemen, of whom 
the Imaum of Muscat was the head, and 
the Beni Naseer, of whom the Chief of 
the Joasmeeswas at the head. About 


40 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


this time the Persian empire was once 
more reviving, or rather expanding only, 
under the generalship of Nadir Shah. 
Accordingly one of the parties in Oman, 
having called in the aid of the Persians, 
Nadir Shah succeeded in re-establishing 
the Persian ascendancy in the Gulf, and 
compelling the Imaum of Muscat to 
pay tribute. After the death of Nadir 
in 1747, Persia passed through another 
period of confusion and weakness, which 
as usual was followed by the successful 
revolt of the outlying provinces, and 
moreover by the establishment of inde¬ 
pendent governments in Atfghanistan, 
Beloochistan, and Muscat, which have 
been maintained down to the present 
day. The Chief of Sohar, named 
Ahmed-ibn-Said, drove the Persians out 
of Oman, and in return was elected 
Imaum of Muscat by the Arabs. About 
1770, when Kureem Khan was Shah, he 
claimed arrears of tribute from Muscat. 
The Muscat Government however de¬ 
clined to comply. They admitted that 
they had paid tribute to Nadir Shah, but 
not as a matter of right, and only 
because he was too powerful a tyrant 
to contend against. Kureem Khan was 
however altogether a different person, 
and they were prepared to resist his 
claim. Some hostilities followed, but 
without result; the Imaum continuing 
to refuse payment of any tribute what¬ 
ever. 

42. Contemporary condition of the 
Independent Arab States on the Sea- 
Coast of Persia.—A tolerably clear 
insight into the relations between Muscat 
and Persia, within a few years of the 
death of Nadir, may be obtained by 
means of the important and trustworthy 
testimony of Carsten Niebuhr, the father 
of the Homan historian, and perhaps the 
most painstaking and intelligent tra- 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


41 


veller that ever visited Arabia. Nie¬ 
buhr proceeded from Suez to Muscat, 
and thence to Bombay, about a century 
ago, that is between 1761 and 1765; 
and his description of the people on 
the Persian sea-coast seems to be of 
such value as to render it expedient to 
give it in full: 

“ Of the Independent Arabian States upon 
the Sea-Coast of Persia. 

“ Chap. Cl.— Of the Arabs inhabiting around 
the Persian Gulf. 

“Our geographers are wrong, as I have else¬ 
where remarked, in representing a part of Arabia 
as subject to the monarchs of Persia. So far is 
it from being so, that, on the contrary, the 
Arabs possess all the sea-coast of the Persian 
Empire, from the mouths of the Euphrates, 
nearly to those of the Indus. 

“ These settlements upon the coast of Persia 
belong not, indeed, to Arabia, properly so called. 
But, since they are independent of Persia, and 
use the same language, and exhibit the same 
manners, as the native inhabitants of Arabia, I 
shall here subjoin a brief account of them. 

“ It is impossible to ascertain the period at 
which the Arabians formed their settlements 
upon this coast. Tradition affirms that they 
have been established here for many centuries. 
Erom a variety of hints in ancient history, it 
may be presumed, that the Arabian colonies 
occupied their present situation in the time of 
the first kings of Persia. There is a striking 
analogy between the manners ascribed to the 
ancient Ichthyophagi, and those of these 
Arabs. 

“ They live nearly in the same manner, leading 
a seafaring-life, and employing themselves in 
fishing, and in gathering pearls. They use 
little other food but fish and dates; and they 
feed also their cattle upon fish. 

“ They prize liberty as highly as do their 
brethren in the desert. Almost every different 
town has its own Schiech, who receives hardly 
any revenue from his subjects; but if he has 
no private fortune, must, like his subjects, 

11 


42 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


support himself by his industry, either in carry¬ 
ing goods, or in fishing. If the principal in¬ 
habitants happen to be dissatisfied with the 
reigning Schiech, they depose him, and choose 
another out of the same family. 

“ Their arms are a mateh-firelock, a sabre, and 
a buckler. All their fishing boats serve occa¬ 
sionally as ships of war. But a fleet like this, 
that must frequently stop to take fish for food, 
when they should pursue the enemy, can never 
perform any very great exploits. Their wars 
are mere skirmishes and inroads, never ending 
in any decisive action, but producing lasting 
quarrels, and a state of continual hostility. 

“ Their dwellings are so paltry, that an enemy 
would not take the pains to demolish them. 
And as from this circumstance, these people 
have nothing to lose upon the continent, they 
always betake themselves to their boats at the 
approach of an enemy, and lie concealed in 
some isle in the Gulf till he have retreated. 
They are convinced that the Persians will never 
think of settling on a barren shore, where they 
would be infested by all the Arabs who frequent 
the adjacent seas. 

) 

“ These Arabs are Sunnites. They regard the 
Persians, who are Shiites, with abhorence, 
and shun all alliance with them. The mutual 
hatred of the two sects, was even one cause 
of the failure of Nadir Shah’s attempt to 
subdue these Arabs. In the prosecution of this 
object, the usurper had, at immense expense, 
equipped a fleet of twenty-five large ships upon 
the Persian Gulf. But as he had no Persian 
sailors, he was obliged to take Indians, who 
were Sunnites. These refusing to fight against 
their brethren of the same orthodox faith, 
massacred their Shiite officers, and carried off 
the ships. Towards the end of his life, Nadir 
Shah was meditating to seize these Arabs, to 
transport them to the shores of the Caspian Sea. 
and settle a colony of Persians in their room. 
His ti’agical death prevented the execution 
of this project; and the disturbances in Persia 
have ever since prevented all encroachments 
from that quarter upon the liberty of these 
Arabs. 


“ Their Government and present political 
situation seem to me to bear a great resem- 


ERONTIEItS 05? PERSIA. 


43 


blance to those of ancient Greece. Hostile 
engagements are continually a fighting, and 
important revolutions happening upon the 
Persian Gulf; but the Arabs have no historian 
to spread their fame beyond their own narrow 
confines. 

“Chap. CII .—Of Places subject to the dominion 
of Persia. 

“ The Kings of Persia, although not masters 
of these coasts, yet retained some places upon 
them. In later times, the Persian Governors 
of these places have shaken off their allegiance, 
and have, in some measure, erected them into 
independent sovereignties. The Chief of these 
are Gambron and Hormus. 

“ Gambron, a sea-port town in the province 
of Laristan, belonged anciently to the Persian 
monarch. After the death of Nadir Shah, a 
Persian named Naser Khan, made himself master 
of the province, and, by consequence, of the 
city. He acknowledges himself vassal to Vakeel 
Kerim Khan of Schiraz, yet pays no tribute, 
and respects not the VakeePs authority, unless 
when he comes with his army to compel him. 

“ The city of Gambron, which has been also 
called Bender Abbass, was famous through all 
the last century, and in the beginning of the 
present, as the port of Schiraz, and of all the south 
of Persia. Its trade was, at that time, very 
extensive. At present it is very low; nor is 
there a single European counting-house in the 
city. This decline has been occasioned by the 
domestic disturbances in Persia, and the wars 
and disputes between the French and the English. 
The Dutch for a while continued to carry on a 
petty trade here. But since they formed a settle¬ 
ment in the isle of Karek, they have entirely 
deserted Gambron. 

“ The isle of Ormus, so celebrated of old, now 
retains nothing of its ancient splendour. It 
belongs at present to Mulla Ali Shah, a 
Persian, who made himself master of it imme¬ 
diately after the death of Nadir Shah, whose 
admiral he had been. This prince of Ormus 
possesses likewise a part of the isle of Kishme, 
the other part being subject to the prince of 
Seer. 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


44 


“ South from Laristan is Minau, a considerable 
inland town, six leagues distant from the sea 
shore. The inhabitants of the district in which 
it lies are Shiites, and are chiefly employed in 
agriculture; from these circumstances, they are 
sometimes induced to acknowledge the authority 
of the Khan of Lauristan. 

“A tribe of Arabs, denominated Belludge, 
inhabit between Minau and Cape Jaske. They 
are masters of a good many vessels, and carry 
on a considerable trade with Basra, upon the 
Arabic Gulf, and even venture as far as to the 
coasts of India. These Arabs are Sunnites; 
and unity of religious sentiments has occasioned 
their joining the party of the Affghans in the 
late revolutions of Persia. 

“ Some geographers represent these Belludge 
as inhabiting all along the Persian coast, to the 
mouths of the Indus, and have described them 
as a warlike people, addicted to piracy. I know 
not whether they are to be considered as inde¬ 
pendent, or as tributary to Persia. More 
probably, they acknowledge no sovereign 
authority but that of their own Schiechs. 
Some narratives of travels, performed in the last 
century, relate the extraordinary adventures of 
a Pnnce of Jaske, who withstood the power of 
Shah Abbass, till he was, at length taken off 
by treachery. His widow continued to resist the 
Persian King, and performed deeds worthy of 
the heroines in the ages of chivalry. But it is 
to a Schiech of the Belludge that the story is 
properly to be referred* 


Niebuhr does not mention his authority for this 
incident; but I have found the narrative in Tavernier’s 
Travels through Persia and the East Indies, undertaken 
in the seventeenth century and published in 1678. As the 
narrative is very interesting, and illustrates the con¬ 
temporary state of the country between Jask and Gwa- 
dir, it is here extracted in full: 

“ Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the 
Kmg of Persia, in the reigns of Sha-Sefi I. and Sha-Abbas 

“ Between Cape Jasque, and Cape Gwadel, [i. e . Gwadir] 
which are the two most Southern points of Persia, there lies 
a mountainous and mershie country, which extends itself 
from the ocean toward the Province of Kerman, and in several 
p aces is inaccessible. It is possessed by three petty 
Princes, the one a Mahumetan, the other two toward the 
East, both Idolaters. The first is the most potent of the 
three, and nearest to the Province of Ormus. He also 




FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


45 


“ The country from Bunder Abbass northward 
to Detain, resembles the Tehama in Arabia; 
it is an arid plain, and is called by the Persians 
Kermesir, or the hot country. In this district 
I know no place but Khamir, a castle situate 
upon a precipitous rock, which, with a small 
tract adjoining, is the property of a particular 
Schiech. Ships come hither for cargoes of 
sulphur, of which there is abundance in the 
neighbourhood.”— Pinkerton’s Collection of Voy¬ 
ages and Travels, Vol. X. pp. 124-126. 

assumes the title of Prince of Jasque, as his Ancestors 
did before him. Now after Shah Abbas the first had con¬ 
quered Ormus, he went about to have made himself master 
of all the coast that extends itself beyond Cape Jasque ; 
but meeting with resistance, he only obtained that the 
Prince of the Country should acknowledge the King of 
Persia for his Lord, and that as his Vassal he should pay 
him an annual tribute. And indeed during the reign of 
Shah Abbass, who knew how to make himself feared, the 
Prince of Jasque payed his tribute very orderly. But 
Shah Sefi succeeding his grandfather very young; this 
tributary Prince shook off his yoak, and refused to pay. 
Which not being regarded in the reign of Shah Sefi, the 
Prince of Jasque thought to do the same in the reign of 
Shah Abbass the second. But at length after he had refused 
to pay for some years, the Kan of Ormus pretending the 
country to be under his jurisdiction, and that the King’s 
honor was concerned in the Prince’s refusal, incited 
Shah Abbass to send forces against him to reduce him to 
obedience. The King granted the Commission to him 
that had undertaken the business : who presently gather¬ 
ing together an Army of 20,000 men, the most part Horse, 
thought to have surprized his enemy. To which purpose 
that he might take the nearest way, he marched directly 
toward Cape Jasque. But as it was the shortest cut, it 
was the most dangerous; insomuch that the Kan, who 
hunted all the way he marched, according to the custom of 
Persia, had the misfortune to fall into a bogg, where he 
was stifled, together with 20 or 30 horse-men more. The 
death of the Kan being divulged, the Army retreated back 
again : but as soon as the King, received the news, he 
sent the brother of the deceased Kan to succeed him. 
In the meanwhile the Rebel Prince, believing within 
himself that he was not to be thus at quiet, and expecting 
to be attacked by the new Kan, stood upon his guard. 
And indeed the new Kan marched with all the speed he 
could, and entered the territories of the rebellious Prince, 
but being beaten was forced to make more haste back 
again to Ormus, with the loss of an abundance of men. 

“ The Prince of Jasque puft up with this success, did not 
believe that the Persians would be so hasty to come again ; 
and thereupon he resolved upon a voyage for Mecca to 
give the Prophet thanks for his victory. To which end 
he embarked at the nearest place he could to Cape Jasque, 
thence to make sail toward Arabia. But the Governor of 
Kan understanding his design by his spies, way-laid him 
by sea, took him and brought him to Ormus. At that 
time the heats being excessive, the Governor was retired, 

12 



46 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


43. 3rd Period: Rise of the Wahabees, 
1787English expeditions of 1809 
and 1819.— The rise of the Wahabees, 
who are first mentioned in the Bombay 
Records of 1787, changed the aspect of 
affairs in the Persian Gulf. Prom 1736 
to the appearance of this new power, the 
subjects of the Imaum of Muscat and 
the Chief of the Joasmees are said to 
have abandoned piracy, and to have 
engaged in cultivating dates and fish¬ 
ing for pearls, which commodities they 
carried to the ports of India, Yemen? 
Africa, Scinde, Kutch, and Bussora. 
But under the ascendancy of the Waha¬ 
bees, and the contemporary decline of 


according to custom, to the mountains some ten or twelve 
leagues from the City, whither the Prince was carried 
and brought to the Kan’s tent. But while the Kan was 
expecting the return of the Messenger which he had sent 
to the King for orders what to do with the Prisoner, the 
Prince s wife hearing of her husband’s misfortune, and 
being a woman of manlike courage, taking along with 
her about five or six hundred horse, with little noise and 
by long marches she at length fell unawares upon the Kan 
about midnight, killed him with her own hand, cut in 
pieces the greatest part of his men, whom she found 
asleep, carried away ten or twelve of his wives, and set 
her husband at liberty in spite of the Persians, who had 
nob time to rally themselves. 

“ The news of this defeat coming to Court, the King 
being highly incensed, sent away the third brother to be 
Governor of Ormus, with special command to the Go. 
\ ernours of Schiras, Lar and Kerman forthwith to raise 
30,000 horse to revenge, affront, and reduce the Rebel. 
The Kan of Ormus marched at the head of that Army, and 
gave battle, but the Prince being succoured by the other two 
Idolatrous Princes, his neighbours, the Persians were again 
beaten. Only the Prince of Jasque lost his Lieutenant- 
General, a valiant Captain, and a very good Soldier. 

“The King understanding that the Lieutenant-General 
was the Kan’s Prisoner, gave him leave to do with him what 
he would, in revenge of his brother’s death : who there¬ 
upon devised the most cruel torments that ever were 
heard of. For he first caused the body of the Lieutenant- 
General to be larded with lighted candles, and then set¬ 
ting him upon a camel ordered him to be led softly about 
the streets every day in the very heat of noon: a tor- 
ment almost insufferable, which the heroic Indian never¬ 
theless endured with an invincible courage. After the 
Kan bad tormented him in this manner three days to°-e- 
ther, the chief of the Holland Company and other strange 
Merchants, abhorring so much cruelty, begged of the Kan 
to surcease his rigour, who readily granted them their 
request .’’^-Tavernier, p. 21. 




EEONTIEBS OE PEBSIA. 


47 


Turkish and Persian influence in the 
Gulf, piracy was largely prosecuted. 
At length in 1809 the British Govern¬ 
ment sent an expedition to support the 
Imaum against the Wahabees, hut the 
impression created appears to have been 
slight and temporary, from its not hav¬ 
ing been followed up by measures of 
precaution and general supervision. A 
second expedition was accordingly sent 
out in 1819-20; which was followed by 
the imposition of a general treaty upon 
the Arab Chieftains, and the appoint¬ 
ment of a Political Resident at Bushire, 
to whom was entrusted the duty of in¬ 
sisting upon the full and strict observ¬ 
ance of the conditions of the treaty, for 
which purpose the services of a naval 
and military force were placed at his 
disposal. 

14. 4th Period: Relations of the Imaum 
with Persia and Great Britain, 1820- 

1863 —The chief object of British con¬ 
nection with the Imaum has been to 
suppress piracy and slavery, and conse¬ 
quently the question of the rival claims 
of Persia and the Imaum to ports on 
the Mekran coast, has apparently never, 
up to the present moment, been dis¬ 
tinctly brought forward. The follow¬ 
ing incidents are however worthy of 
notice as illustrating the character of 
existing relations. 

45. State of the Imaum’s possessions on 
the Sea Coast of Persia, 1821— It will 

have been seen from the evidence 
already furnished, that the following 
distinction must be laid down between 
the possessions of the Imaum on the so- 
called Persian Coast, and those on the 
Mekran Coast viz :— 

(1.) Bunder Abbas, Minah, and their 
dependencies, for a long time farmed 
by the Imaum from Persia. 


48 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


(2.) Tlie lordship or suzerainty over 
the Arab tribes on the Mekran Coast 
exercised by the Imaum from Jask to 
Gwadir. 

(3.) The possession of the ports of 
Clioubar and Gwadir, originally pro¬ 
cured from the Khan of Khelat. 

The main question, upon which,indeed, 
the whole dispute turns, remaining for 
after consideration, namely, the exact 
point where the line of separation or 
frontier should be drawn both between 
the territory held in farm by the 
Imaum and that held in full suzerainty, 
and between the territory held in suzer¬ 
ainty by the Imaum and the territory 
belonging to the Khan of Khelat. The 
extent and condition of the Imaum’s 
territories in 1821 are thus described 
by Eraser:— 

“ Besides his hereditary dominions on the 
Arabian coast, the Imaum at present holds in 
possession the islands of Kishmee and Ormuz 
in the Gulf ; and rents from the court of Persia, 
Gomberoon or Bunder Abbass, and its depen¬ 
dencies, including the district of Juroom, which 
extends from Meenab on the south-east, to 
Khumeer on the north-west inclusive, along 
the coast, a tract of about ninety miles. 

“ The revenues of the Imaum are derived 
from various sources; he receives a tenth part 
of the produce of the territories of Omaun; 
a duty of \ per cent, on all merchandize passing 
up the Gulf on Arab bottoms; he rents, as has 
been seen, considerable tracts of country, in¬ 
cluding valuable mines of sulphur, from the 
Persian government, and he possesses consider¬ 
able landed property in the country of Omaun. 

“ The first source is trifling: the produce con¬ 
sisting almost entirely of dates: and it is said, 
his share does not suffice for the consumption 
of his family. 

“ The duties collected on merchandize passing 
up the Gulf, is a far more productive head of 
revenue: from the province of Omaun alone it 
amounts to from ninety to a hundred and twenty 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


49 


thousand dollars, annually: and from all other 
ports of Arabia, and from Zanguebar, above 
30 or 40,000 dollars more. 

“ I could not learn anything certain of the 
value of his Persian farms; the country about 
Meenab is fruitful and productive; the sulphur 
mines at Khumeer not only famish materials 
for the powder used by government, but a large 
surplus for exportation, and the salt of Ormuz 
is also a valuable article of commerce. 

“ The Imaum's landed property in Omaun is 
rented out to tenants, like that of his subjects ; 
and it is said he receives from it several thousand 
dollars a year; but I never heard the amount 
accurately stated. 

“ Commerce is a great, and perhaps the chief 
source of the Imaum’s income. He possesses 
five fine ships, his private property; two of 
which are frigates, the Shah Allum of 50, and 
the Caroline of 40 guns ; besides two large 
Buffsralows and four Batteels :* and when he 
requires it, can command the boats and vessels 
of his subjects. He trades to all parts of 
India and the East; to the coasts of Arabia 
and Africa; to Madagascar and the Mauritius; 
besides the ports of the Persian Gulf. The 
trade is indeed chiefly a carrying trade; but 
Muscat is a great entrepot for warehousing and 
exchanging the produce of many nations, 
and in such a trade, the sovereign doubtless 
possesses many advantages over his subjects.’’t 

46. Pretensions of Persia in the Gulf: 
Bombay Mission of 1821.— The nature 
of the general pretensions of Persia 
may he gathered from those which she 
put forward after the destruction of the 
pirates by the British Government, 
which has already been described, and 
which led to the dispatch of a Mission 
to Persia by the Bombay Government 
in 1821. The following remarks of 
Eraser will explain the exact state of 
the case:— 

“ It was about the commencement of this 
year that the discontent which had for some 


* Buggalows and Batteels are different descriptions of 
vessels used on the Arabian coast. 

f Fraser’s Journey into Khorassan, pp. 15-16. 

13 



50 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


time been felt by the Court of Persia at the 
British operations in the Gulf, became more 
openly expressed. The chief grounds of com¬ 
plaint were, the occupation of the island of 
Kishmee by our troops, and the destruction in 
various parts of the Gulf, of certain boats, 
which,although understood to be piratical vessels, 
and the property of Arabs, the Persians claimed 
as belonging in reality to merchants of that 
country A* 

“No application was made to the Court of 
Persia upon the occupation of Kishmee, al¬ 
though so close to its shores; in the first place, 
because the island was found in possession of 
the Imaum of Muscat, who readily granted us 
permission to occupy it; and in the second 
place, if government were at that time aware 
of the claims which Persia lays to this and 
all other islands in the Gulf, it probably con¬ 
sidered them as nugatory; the more so, as that 
power never took the smallest part or interest 
in the late operations, or in the affairs of the 
Gulf”f 


The result of the enquiries which 
were institutedby the Envoy, are record¬ 
ed by Eraser. The main question at 
the time was, whether the islands of 
Ormuz and Kishmee were to be regarded 
as independent conquests, or merely as 
part of the dependencies of Bunder 
Abbass, which were acknowledged on 
both sides to have been farmed from 
Persia. The point of the discussion is 
now altogether different, but still the 
information elicited bears incidentally 
upon the present enquiry, and involves 
some points for after consideration. It 
is therefore given in full as recorded by 
Eraser: 

“ The Ben-i-maainee tribe of Arabs originally 
resided atKoong, on the Persian shore of the Gulf; 
but about 80 years ago [ i.e ., about 17-40], they 
took the island of Kishmee from Moollah Allee 
Shah, Koongee, who was its chief on the part of 
the Persian government; and they rented Bunder 
Abbassee and its dependencies from Nadir Shah 


* Fraser, App. A., p. 15. 


f Fraser, App. A., p. 7. 




TEONTIEES Of PEBSIA. 


51 


(who then swayed the sceptre of Persia), in the 
same manner as the Imaum of Muscat does at 
the present day ; while Sheikh Mahomed of the 
Bustuck tribe, who till then had been in pos¬ 
session, was removed from thence. It appears, 
however, that Sheikh Abdoolla Maainee was un¬ 
able to retain possession of the places thus 
rented, in consequence of the enmity of the 
Bustuckees, who had by his influence been 
removed; and he was forced to go to the Per¬ 
sian Court to obtain additional and stronger 
firmauns of possession, which having received, 
he became enabled to retain his farms. 

“ It has been asserted, nor as far as I have 
heard, has it been disproved, that the islands of 
Kishmee and of Hormooz, were enumerated 
among the dependencies of Bunder Ahbassee, in 
the firmaun granted by Nadir Shah to Sheikh 
Abdoolla Maainee, and it seems equally true, 
that after the death of that prince, some of the 
Ben-i-maainee tribe still residing at Kishmee, 
did continue to pay tribute to Aga Mahomed 
Khan, his successor, and uncle to the present king 
of Persia; in fact, neither of these sovereigns 
were likely to have permitted them to continue 
in possession, had they not strictly performed 
their engagements; they were too powerful, 
and too fond of money, to have submitted to 
any defalcation. 

“ Sheikh Suggur Maainee, the father of the 
present Sheikh, was for some time chief of the 
island of Kishmee, and was succeeded by 
Moollah Hoossain Mainee, who rendered him¬ 
self so odious by his tyranny and oppression, 
that the inhabitants applied to the Imaum of 
Muscat, and begged him to come to their 
relief. 

“ Seyud Sooltaun, then Imaum, came accord¬ 
ingly, and about twenty-eight years ago, took 
possession, not only of Kishmee, but of Hor¬ 
mooz and Bunder Ahbassee, with its dependen¬ 
cies ; and since that time, he and his successors 
have paid to the Persian Government the same 
rent as Moollah Hossain Maainee had previously 
done. 

“ The Ben-i-maainee tribe still reside at 
Kishmee and Bunder-Ahbassee; and one or 
other of its chiefs have, till lately, been governors 


52 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


of these places, subject to the orders of the 
Imaum; at present, however, Syff-bin-Nubham 
of the Imaum's own tribe, is chief of the 
Bunder-Abbassee, and his younger brother re¬ 
sides at Hormooz. 

“ That Bunder-Abbassee or Gomberoon and 
its dependencies on the Persian main-land have 
ever been, and continue to form a portion of 
the Persian dominions, and are now only held 
from that power, upon payment of a stipulated 
rent or tribute, none, not even the Imaum 
himself, attempt to deny; but he asserts that 
the islands of Hormooz and Ivishmee were 
conquered by the Ben-i-maainee tribe from 
Persia; and that he, by force of arms, in his 
turn, took them from that tribe; not only 
without any opposition on the part of Persia, 
but without remonstrance, or any notice what¬ 
ever taken of the transaction : that these Islands 
are not, and never were included among the 
dependencies of Bunder-Abbassee, nor are men¬ 
tioned either in the firmaun by which they are 
held, or in the receipt which is annually sent 
from the Court of Sheerauz, on payment of the 
rent for Bunder-Abbassee. Finally, that these 
islands are his by conquest ; the Persians being 
unable to retain them, and that the present 
king might, with equal propriety, lay claim 
to the sovereignty of India, of Egypt, or 
Syria, because some of the former kings, at 
different times, had extended their conquests 
over these countries, however unable their suc¬ 
cessors have been to retain possession of them. 

“ Those, on the contrary, who take the other 
side of the question, affirm, that not only were 
the islands in dispute mentioned in the original 
firmauns, as among the dependencies of Bunder- 
Abbassee ; but that both the chiefs of the Ben- 
i-maainee tribe, and the late Imaum, considered 
them as such; the rent for the whole being 
paid to the Court of Persia under one head. 

“ The decision of the question may be con¬ 
sidered to rest on two points : first, whether the 
firmauns granted to Seyed Sooltaun, when he 
obtained possession of Bunder-Abbassee and its 
dependencies, do really enumerate among these 
dependencies the islands in dispute; and whe- 
th er the Imaum agreed to hold them upon 
these terms. Secondly, whether the Persian 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


53 


Government could be considered as in posses¬ 
sion of the disputed islands, or capable of main¬ 
taining 1 them, for some time previous to their 
capture from the Ben-i-maiuee tribe. 

“The original firmauns have not as yet been 
produced, to clear off the first point; and with 
regard to the second, it may be observed that 
Persia has at no time possessed a naval arma¬ 
ment, by means of which she might acquire or 
retain transmarine possessions; this being parti¬ 
cularly the case in the present reign : and from 
the time of the expulsion from Kishmee, of 
Moolla Allee Shah, it has no footing whatever, 
on either of the disputed islands/'’* 

Nature of the alliance between the 
lmaum and the English, 1825.— In 

1825 the question arose of how far the 
lmaum and the English were mutually 
hound to assist each other ; the lmaum 
. being anxious that the English should 
aid him in putting a stop to all mari¬ 
time warfare in the Persian Gulf. It 
seems that the lmaum had interpret¬ 
ed the second article of the treaty of 
1798, to imply the existence of an of¬ 
fensive and defensive alliance between 
himself and the British Government; 
whereas it was only intended to denote 
a strict friendship, and not in any way 
to disturb the neutrality existing on 
both sides as regarded each others wars. 
The following is the article of the treaty 
referred to:— 

“ From the recital of the said Nuwab, Mehedy 
Ali Khan, my heart has become disposed to an 
increase of the friendship with that State, and 
from this day forth, the friend of that Sirkar is 
the friend of this, and the friend of this Sirkar 
is to be the friend of that Sirkar; and in the 
same way the enemy of this is to be the enemy 
of that/’t 

As the explanations which were ex¬ 
changed on that occasion might possibly 
prove of importance, the narrative of 

* Fraser, App. A., pp. 16, 17. 

f Bombay Government Records, No. XXIV., p. 248. 

14 




54 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


what transpired is here given in the 
words of Lieutenant Hennell, the Assis¬ 
tant Resident in the Persian Gulf: 

“ In December 1825 the British authority in the 
Persian Gulf had an interview with the Imaum, 
on which occasion His Highness intimated, that 
he considered his connection with the British 
Government in the light of an offensive and de¬ 
fensive alliance; and, further, recommended that 
as top should be put to all maritime warfare in 
the Persian Gulf, as the most effectual means of 
suppressing piracy. In the reply to the des¬ 
patches communicating the above particulars, 
it was shown, in a detail of considerable length, 
that although one of the articles of the Quol- 
namah or agreement, concluded by Mehedi Ali 
Khan, stated that the friends and enemies of 
the one party stood in a similar relation to the 
other ; yet that this was merely intended to 
convey a general notion of strict friendship, 
and that it was so completely contradicted by 
the other stipulations, and the numerous com¬ 
munications bearing upon this point subse¬ 
quently made to His Highness, as well as by 
the transactions which had taken place between 
the two States since its conclusion, as to make 
it perfectly evident that the same understand¬ 
ing of neutrality on both sides in each other's 
wars had been always avowed and acted upon. 
The plan of insisting on the maintenance of 
maritime peace was considered by the Govern¬ 
ment as impracticable, even if desirable, on 
account of the absence of any means to compel 
the inhabitants of the Persian Coast to accede 
to it, as well as its unequal operation in in¬ 
creasing the power of the military, and diminish¬ 
ing that of the naval, tribes on the Arabian 
side of the Gulf. Shortly afterwards, the Resi¬ 
dent reported that he had had an interview with 
His Highness, and succeeded in impressing on 
his mind the true nature of the amicable rela¬ 
tions now subsisting between the two Govern¬ 
ments, and that His Highness had fully ac¬ 
quiesced in the propriety of the views submitted 
to him."* 

48. Disturbed state of the Imaum’s 
rented possessions on the Persian 
Coast, 1846.—In 1846 two serious dis- 


Bgmtiay Government Selections, No. XXIV., p. 193. 





EROUTIERS OE PERSIA. 55 

putes broke out between the Imaum of 
Muscat and the Persian authorities, in 
connection with the possessions rented 
by the former on the Persian coast; 
and at one time it seemed likely that 
the proceedings taken on either side 
would culminate in a war. In 1846, a 
Muscat merchant, named Mahomed 
Ali Bundera, visited the toAvn of 
Bushire; upon which the Persian 
Governor of that place, instigated by 
one Meer Bauker, did his utmost 
to extract money from him, and at last 
threatened torture. Mahomed Ali 
Bundera accordingly agreed to pay 750 
tomans, but managed to escape from 
Bushire Avithout paying the money. 
Meer Bauker then pretended that the 
750* tomans was a debt due to himself, 
on the plea that he had guaranteed the 
payment to the Persian Governor, and 
had been compelled to disburse the 
amount. Ace or dingly, under the autho¬ 
rity of the Governor, he seized seven 
cases of indigo that had been sent 
to Bushire for sale by the nephew of 
the Imaum, on the pretence that 
the real owner was Mahomed Ali 
Bundera. The indigo Avas then trans¬ 
mitted to Shiraz, and could not be 
recovered ; and even the Besident 
interfered in vain. Accordingly, the 
Muscat authorities seized a quantity of 
silk belonging to some Persians, and 
mutual recrimination ensued. About 
the same time the Imaum had a second 
ground of complaint against Persia. 
The Persian Governor of Pars dis¬ 
patched a body of troops against Bun¬ 
der Abbass, with the view of exact¬ 
ing a large sum of money from 
Shaikh Syf bin Nubhan, the Governor 
of Bunder Abbass and Deputy of the 
Imaum. The Imaum retaliated by 
threatening to destroy Bushire; and 
Syf bin Nubhan would have carried 


5G 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


out the threats of the Imaum, but was 
restrained by the Resident. At last, 
on a change in the Persian ministry, 
redress was granted to the Imaum. 
The narrative of the proceedings, by 
Lieutenant Disbrowe, the Assistant Re¬ 
sident in the Persian Gulf, w T ill be found 
printed at length in Appendix VI. 

49. Resumption of Bunder Abbass 
and its Dependencies by Persia, 1854. 
—The following additional data, fur¬ 
nished by Captain Kemball, Resident 
of Bushire in 1854, may be considered 
useful as showing the resumption of 
Bunder Abbass and its dependencies by 
the Shah, and indicating the then 
existing state of Muskat : 

“ The Imaum of Muskat is independent, but 
pays Zukat, or religious tithe, to the Wahabee 
ruler, Ameer Fysul, at the rate of 20,000 crowns 
per annum ; this amount being 12,000 crowns 
for Muskat, and 8,000 crowns for Sohar.” 

“ llie Imaum has hitherto farmed Bunder 
Abbass and its dependencies from the Persian 
Government. These districts have lately been 
resumed by the Shah, but, if not recovered by 
force, will probably be restored on the payment 
of an increased rent.” 

“On the Coast of Oman, the Imaum’s territory 
extends from Ras-ool-Hud to Sohar. In ad¬ 
dition to his hereditary dominions on the Ara¬ 
bian and African Coasts, the Imaum holds in 
possession the islands of Ormus and Kishm, and 
the tribes on the Mukran Coast between Jask 
and Pussem acknowledge him as their feudal 
lord. No correct estimate can be formed of the 
area of the Imaum’s possessions.” 

“ Muskat, as a general commercial entrepdt, 
possesses considerable trade. Its manufacture 
of coarse stuffs, in use amongst Arabs, is insigni¬ 
ficant. The principal article of export is dried 
fish ; from the Mukran Coast hides and wool are 
brought in small quantities for exportation. The 
harbour of the town, though small, is good and 
safe. The coast elsewhere is generally open, 
and more or less accessible from the sea. Little 
or nothing is known of the interior of Oman.”* 


Bombay Selections, No. XXIV., pp. 288, 289. 




FBONTIEKS OF PEHSIA. 


57 


IV.—Resume of the Evidence. 

50. Main points in the enquiry— Having 
thus submitted in detail all the infor¬ 
mation which could he collected upon 
the questions under consideration, it 
may be advisable to bring under one 
view the main points in the whole en¬ 
quiry, and the propositions which may be 
legitimately drawn from the cumulative 
testimony which has been adduced. 

51. Persia and the Khan of Khelat.—It 

has already been pointed out that since 
the death of Nadir Shah in 1747, 
Persia has exercised no sovereignty over 
Affghanistan or Beloochistan. The pro¬ 
gress of affairs in Affghanistan is not 
within the scope of the present enquiry, 
hut in Beloochistan the Khan of 
Khelat has been nominally the master; 
though it must be admitted, that of 
late years many of the chiefs, especially 
in the western quarter, have been vir¬ 
tually indepen dent. Nor can the extent 
of a legitimate jurisdiction be deter¬ 
mined by the collection of revenue, for, 
when the collections are made at a dis¬ 
tance from Head Quarters, they depend 
upon the actual Military force employed 
on the work, and consequently very often 
degenerate into a mere border foray. 
Thus whilst the Khan of Khelat could 
not collect revenue from the western 
chiefs without the employment of a force 
of matchlock-men, the more remote 
chiefs in that neighbourhood, such as 
the one at Bunpore, were altogether 
independent, and carried on intermit¬ 
tent forays into the heart of Ivirman. 
The Mahratta raids in Hindustan of a 
century ago were much of the same 
character, but these irregular incur¬ 
sions were in their case, superseded by 
the levy of black mail or chout, which 
soon became a fixed and understood 
tax, if not a legitimate one. But on 

15 


58 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


the Persian frontier the conditions are 
altogether different, and judging from 
the scenes described in General Perrier’s 
Caravan Journeys, the ordinary horrors 
of frequent forays by barbarous chiefs 
have been heightened rather than re¬ 
pressed by the measures adopted by 
Persia in her outlying provinces, added 
to the corruption which prevails in all 
directions. Nadir Shah seems to have 
endeavoured to protect Kirman by 
establishing a colony of Affghans in 
Nurmansheer to oppose the inroads of 
other Affghan marauders from Kanda¬ 
har ; but the remedy appears to have 
proved worse than the disease. Of late 
years the tyranny and rapacity of the 
Persian Governors, and the atrocities 
and wrongs committed in the name of 
justice, are such as to nullify any 
excuse, which Persia might otherwise 
have urged on the score of civilisation, 
for pushing her frontier further to the 
east, and for exercising a jurisdiction 
over territories to which she has no 
rightful claiin. 

52. Persia, Khelat, and Muscat.— 
Whilst such has been apparently the 
normal state of the country in the 
interior, the coast has been under condi¬ 
tions altogether different. A trade has 
been carried on from different ports on 
the Mekran coast, of which the leading 
staple probably consisted of slaves, 
but which was in a great measure 
supported by the cargoes of pilgrims 
who proceeded every year to the 
tomb of the Prophet. This trade passed 
in the seventeenth century from the 
hands of the Portuguese to those 
of the Imaum of Muscat; and Eryer, 
a trustworthy English traveller who 
visited Muscat in 1677, distinctly as¬ 
serts that the Imaum was guardian of 
the Prophet’s tomb, and that the Mus- 


FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


59 


sulman princes of India sent him 
rich presents every year by the vessels 
carrying the pilgrims.* Meantime Per¬ 
sia never has been a Naval power, 
and even Shah Abbas was obliged to call 
in the naval assistance of the English 
before he could drive the Portuguese 
out of Ormuz. Her natural strength 
has always lain in her Cavalry, and her 
conquests have always taken a direction 
by land, either towards Syria, or the Cau¬ 
casus, or India. Under such circum¬ 
stances, and considering the character, 
race, and religion of the Arabs on the 
sea-coast of Persia and Mekran, as op¬ 
posed to that of the Persians of the in¬ 
terior, nothing could have been more 
natural than that the suzerainty of the 
Imaum should have extended all along 
the coast; though, considering the prox¬ 
imity of Bunder Abbass and Minab, 
and their respective dependencies, to 
Persia Proper, circumstances must have 
existed tending to lead the Imaum to 
consent to take these particular dis¬ 
tricts on farm; but, as will presently 
be shown, there is every reason to be¬ 
lieve that this territory held in farm 
extended only to Cape Jask, and no 
further. 

53. Extent of the sea coast originally 
farmed by the Imaum from Persia, 
and recently resumed by the Shah.— 

The dependencies on the coast of the 
Persian Gulf, originally farmed by the 
Imaum, have been recently resumed by 
the Shah.f This is an important point, 
because it is probable that on the 
strength of this resumption, and not on 
the ground of any pretensions as regards 
the Khan of Khelat, Persia asserts her 
right to all the line of coast without 
the walls of Choubar and Gwadir. It 
is true that Captain Kemball states 


Fryer, p. 220. 


+ See para. 49. 



GO 


MEMOBANDUM ON THE 


that these districts, if not recovered 
by force, will probably be restored on 
the payment of an increased rent, 
but such a contingency under present 
circumstances can scarcely be expected. 
Here then the question arises of 
what was the extent of the original 
farm. Upon this point the facts set 
forth in paragraph 46 should be taken 
into consideration. Where are the ori¬ 
ginal firmans granted by the Shah to 
Syud Sultan ? What is the extent of 
the dependencies enumerated in these 
firmans ? These questions were asked 
in 1821, and if the original firmans 
were produced then, or can be pro¬ 
duced now, they would at once clear 
up the dispute; for it may be reasonably 
inferred that Persia, without a Naval 
armament, and without Naval aspira¬ 
tions, and singularly eager for revenue, 
would have enumerated all those depen¬ 
dencies upon which she could have hoped 
to extract a single extra toman from the 
Imaum. It might, perhaps, be remark¬ 
ed that the acquiescence of the Imaum 
in the resumption of the farm seems 
somewhat extraordinary ; but this may 
possibly be accounted for on the ground 
of the decreased value of the ports in 
question, arising from the suppression 
of the trade in slaves ; whilst in all pro¬ 
bability the measure was carried out 
because the Imaum withheld from Per¬ 
sia the amount of yearly rent due.* 

* Since -writing the above, and whilst these last 
pages are being printed, I have seen a statement of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Pelly in a letter to the Bombay 
Government, dated 16th February 1863, to the effect 
that the lease under which the Imaum farms Bunder 
Abbass from Persia has still thirteen years to run 1 
It is difficult to reconcile this statement with that of 
Captain Kemball, already quoted, to the effect that 
Bunder Abbass and its dependencies had been re¬ 
sumed by the Shah. At the same time the fact of the 
existence of a lease is important, for, no doubt, such a 
lease indicates with sufficient accuracy the actual 
extent of the territory held by the Imaum on farm. 


EBONTIEES OE PEBSIA. 


61 


54. Extent of the sea coast of Mekran 
in the independent possession of the 
Imaum. —The evidence on this point 
should perhaps be considered under 
two heads, viz . — 

(1.) How far the Imaum can be 
regarded as the suzerain on the coast 
from Jask eastwards? 

(2.) How far he can lay claim to 
the possession of the Ports of Choubar 
and Gwadir ? 

The evidence furnished seems to 
indicate that such a distinction is ne¬ 
cessary, for whilst it is plain both 
from Niebuhr’s statements in 1765, 
and from Masson’s statements in 1843, 
that the Imaum is regarded as the 
feudal lord of the Arab tribes from 
Jask eastward, it is equally evident 
that the suzerainty must have radiat¬ 
ed from Muscat, and finally reached 
Choubar and Gwadir, rather than 
that it shoul d have radiated from the 
latter places, after the grant of the 
half revenue only had been made by the 
Khan of Khelat to an Imaum during a 
temporary exile. 

55, Suzerainty of the Imaum of Muscat 
from Jask eastward— Captain Kemball, 
Resident in Bushire, stated explicitly 
in 1854* that the tribes on the Mekran 
coast between Task and Pussem [i. e. 
Jask and Pessani] acknowledge the 
Imaum of Muscat as their feudal lord. 
Masson’s evidence (1843) is even more 
definite.! He says that the maritime 
section of Khelat territory extends from 
the frontier of Scinde to the vicinity of 
Gwadir, and that from that spot west¬ 
ward the continued line of coast is 
subject to the Arab Chief of Muscat. 
But againwe are told that the country 

* Para. 49. 

16 


62 


MEMORANDUM ON THE 


extending from Gwadir eastward to 
Ilormara is dependent on Pessani, and 
is under a Chief who pays no tribute to 
the Khan of Khelat, but yet avoids 
acknowledging the supremacy of the 
Imaum of Muscat by pretending to be a 
member of the Belooche confederation. 
Again in 1839, Hajee Abdun Nubee, 
who travelled along the coast, says 
that both Gwadir and Choubar belonged 
to the Imaum, as well as the country 
of Jask westward to Seereek. Captain 
Grant (1809) is more explicit still. He 
shows plainly that the country westward 
of Choubar belonged to the Imaum as 
far as Jask, at which point the terri¬ 
tory of Minab and Bunder Abbass, and 
their respective dependencies as farmed 
from Persia, seems to have commenced.* 

The origin of this state of things 
appears to be sufficiently explained by 
Niebuhr, f The unauthorized advances 
of Persia from Cape Jask towards 
Gwadir, are so plainly described by Mr. 
Macleod, and indicated on the map 
accompanying this memorandum, that 
it is perhaps scarcely necessary to re¬ 
capitulate them. It will be sufficient to 
state that the independent territory of 
Bunpore has been absorbed, and that 
the Persian outposts along the coast 
have been pushed within the last few 
years from Cape Jask to between 250 
or 300 miles nearer the banks of the 
Indus. 

56. Possession of the Ports of Chou¬ 
bar and Gwadir by the Imaum.— 
The tenure on whicli the Imaum of 
Muscat holds the ports of Choubar 
and Gwadir is by no means so satisfac¬ 
tory ; and there seems reason to believe 
that dormant claims upon those ports 
might be put forward by the Khan of 


* Paras. 12-14. 


f Para. 42. 


ERONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


63 


Khelat. The tradition that the Khan 
granted the half of the revenues of those 
places for the support of an Imaum dur¬ 
ing a temporary exile* is confirmed to 
some extent by Captain Grant,f who, as 
regards Choubar, asserts that origin ally 
the revenue derived from that port was 
divided between the Imaum and some 
of the Mekran Chiefs, but that shortly 
before his visit the Imaum had seized 
the whole. This point is of some im¬ 
portance, for, by recognising the claims 
of the Khan of Khelat to the ports 
of Gwadir and Choubar, we at once 
admit the claims of the Khan to the 
surrounding territory, against which 
Persia would not have a single argu¬ 
ment to urge, inasmuch as her pre¬ 
tensions rest upon the supposition that 
those ports have been held in farm from 
her ; whereas they have, I think, incon¬ 
testably been held from the Khan, 
and the Imaum has to all appearance 
committed an act of ingratitude in 
seizing the whole of the revenues, when 
the half only had been originally granted 
him, and that, too, not as a right, but 
as a favour. 

57. Four propositions established by 
the foregoing enquiry.—It is now sub¬ 
mitted that the four following proposi¬ 
tions have been established by the fore¬ 
going enquiry :— 

(1.) That the Imaum has no valid 
claim upon the country from Bunder 
Abbass to the boundary of Jask Terri¬ 
tory at Seereek, which -was for many 
years farmed from the Persian Govern¬ 
ment, but which has been recently 
resumed by the Shah. 

(2.) That the suzerainty of the 
Imaum extends from Jask eastward to 


* Paras. 23-37. 


f Para. 7, 




. 
















. 





' 











. 





APPENDIX I. 


CAPTAIN GRANT'S JOURNAL OP A ROUTE THROUGH THE WESTERN 

PARTS OF MEKRAN. 

Having received instructions from Brigadier General Malcolm to examine the western 
countries of Mekran, I embarked on board the Iloid 1:>1 e Company's Cruizer Ternate, and sailed 
on the 18th of January 1809 from Bombay. 

29 th January 1809.—Arrived at Goadur, my instructions directed me to land at this 
place; but on enquiry the country was found to be in such an unsettled state, that Captain 
Seton thought it advisable that I should land further up the coast. 

January 30 th. —Landed at Gwuttur, a village belonging to Mir Soban; it consists of 
about 150 mat huts and a small mud fort: the inhabitants are chiefly fishermen, who exchange 
their surplus for grain from the interior; there is not the slightest cultivation about the place; 
water is procured by digging 2 or 3 feet in the sand, but after a short time it becomes brackish. 
Two nullas fall into the sea at this place, one from Champ and Dashtyari, the other from 
Surbaz and Bawu; they are dry, except during the rainy season, commencing in November 
and continuing 3 or 4 months. 

February 1 st .—Marched to Nagor, 24 miles, the first 2 miles over a swamp, occasioned by 
water discharged from the nullas, the remainder of the road over a barren plain, except 
within 2 or 3 miles of Nagor, where some slight signs of cultivation were observable. This 
village consists of about 250 mat huts and a small mud fort; the country to the North about 
1 mile has numerous wells, and produces dates, cotton, and tobacco, but beyond this it is a 
mere desert. 

Nagor is the residence of Mir Soban, whose territory extends from Jewani, on the bay 
of Gwuttur, to Chobar and about 40 miles inland. This country is generally termed Bawu 
Dashtyari, these being the names of his 2 largest villages. This tribe is termed Judgall, 
and is originally from near Sinde, the language of which country they still retain. The 
Forces of this Chief amount to about 300 Cavalry and 3,000 Infantry, but the whole of 
these could only be collected on an actual invasion of his country : their arms are the 
matchlock and sword : his revenue is about Rupees 6,000. This tribe is of greater weight in 
Mekran than any other, its alliance being courted by most of the neighbouring Chiefs. 

I was furnished with letters from Captain Seton to Mir Soban, and from their influence 
was received with every attention ; indeed, that I was able to perform this journey at all, can 
only be ascribed to the high respect Captain Seton's* name is held in throughout all Mekran. 

The produce of this country is wheat, joari, and cotton, but the crops depend altogether 
on the rains for water; there is generally one barren year out of 3, and this of 1808-9 was 
the unlucky one: in a favorable season enough is produced for 2 4 or 3 years consumption. 

February 1th. —Marched 104 miles towards Chobar to wait for letters of credit from 
Muscat; the road very bad, through ravines; no wells, but plenty of water lodged in hollows. 

February Slh.— The road for 10 miles as yesterday to 19 over the plain of Cambel, quite 
barren for want of rain; ascended a hill to 22 miles and halted; rain water only procurable 
from hollows. Tizcopan is a small village lying at the foot of the hill. 

February 9th. —The road to 3 miles over the hill and very rugged to Chobar 64 miles; 
road good. This place consists of about 300 mat huts and a mud fort built on a slight 


Captain Seton, of the Bombay Establishment, was resident at Muscat and Envoy to Sinde. 







4 


CAPTAIN GRANTS ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


[Appendix I. 


eminence on the eastern side of an extensive bay. The surrounding country is quite barren, 
except a few gardens; near the town good water is procured from wells sunk 12 or 15 feet in the 
bed of a nulla. There is a continual intercourse between Chobar and Muscat; ghee and 
cotton are the chief exports. This is likewise the mart where the inland countries barter 
their produce; no great quantity of provisions could be furnished without some previous 
notice, but after a plentiful year and with one month’s preparation, a large supply of grain 
and dates could be collected. Sheep, goats, and bullocks are easily procurable. The Duties here 
amount to about Rupees 5,000; this was divided between the Seid of Muscat and some of 
the Mekran Chiefs, but the Seid has now seized the fort and retains the whole. 

February 11 th. Marched 6^ miles to Tiz, formerly a place of some importance, but 
nothing now remains, but 50 or 60 huts; it lays in a valley about i a mile broad and 2 
long, surrounded by steep hills, except to the south, where it is open to the sea. There 
are but 2 roads leading into the valley, one from the West between the sea and Hills, the 
other over the Hills from Chobar : they were both well fortified. 

February 18 th .—Received my letters of credit from Muscat, but no bills above Rupees 
200 were procurable on the inland towns. 

February 21^.—Marched towards Nagor, the road to Tizcopan the same as before 
described; thence over a plain: halted at 26 miles; some scattered cultivation for the last 5 
miles ; water procurable only from hollows. 

February 22 nd .—Road to 6 miles over a plain to 17 through ravines to Nagor, 20 miles 
over a plain: this route is the longest, but best from Chobar; but it has no water in the hot 
weather. After procuring letters from Mir -Soban to the Chiefs of the country, I pursued 
my journey inland; my letters purported that I had come to Nagor to purchase horses; but 
none being procurable of the kind I wanted, I had proceeded further in hopes of being more 
fortunate. 

February 25M.—Marched towards Kaserkand at 4 miles; palms and water to 6, over a 
plain, to 12 miles over steep hills, to 18 over the plain of Dashtyan; halted on the banks 
of the Kaju Nulla. This plain is about 15 miles broad and 20 long, and, in favorable 
seasons, is remarkable for its fertility. The Kaju intersects it from north to south, but only 
furnishes water for irrigation during the rains. The inhabitants are scattered about in hamlets 
of 8 or 10 huts each; water in plenty on the road and procured by digging 2 or 3 feet in 
the nulla. 

February 2 Qth. —The road to 11 £ miles over a plain; here the cultivated part of Dashtyan 
ends, to 15 among hills, Pir Dastgir, a small village with water; at 191 entered the Kaju 
Nulla, halted at 22 in the bed of the nulla. The road to-day good to the nulla, the rest 
stony and difficult; water from a cleft in the rocks. 

February 27^.—Marched miles over hills and through the Kaju; water as yesterday, 

but none on the road. 

February 28$.—'To 12 miles through the Kaju, to 16 through a stony valley, to 19 over 
a plain to Kaserkand. For the last three days’ journey there are no villages; the road lays 
mostly in the bed of the Kaju Nulla, which is generally £ a mile broad. The country on both 
sides is covered with high hills of barren rock; these hills are thinly inhabited by Baloches 
whose flocks find a scanty subsistence in the beds of the nullas. 

Kaserkand lies in a fertile valley, about 21 ^ miles broad, having the Kaju Nulla runnino- 
through it. The cultivated part is about 8 miles in circumference; the town stands on the 
west side, and consists of about 500 huts and a large mud fort: water is plentifully supplied 
from 25 large springs on the north side of the valley; wheat, rice, and dates are produced 
m the greatest luxuriance. The wheat in Mekran is reaped in the end of March or beginning 
of April, rice in the beginning of September, and dates gathered in July. 


Appendix /.] 


CAPTAIN grant’s ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


5 


The Chief of this place, Shaik Samandar, is independent; and, besides the town of Kaserkand, 
possesses some little territory to the north; hut his whole revenue does not exceed Rupees 
1,000 yearly. The inhabitants are about 3,000 in number. 

At Kaserkand I met Mahomed Khan, Chief of Geh ; he was the only person under whose 
protection I could proceed further inland; but as he was going to Nagor, I was obliged to 
wait his return, that I might be furnished with proper persons to accompany me. 

March nth .—Mahomed Khan having returned, I accompanied him to Geh, at 4J miles 
Heit, a fine village with a fort, belonging to the Chief of Bug; at 9 miles Bug, a short 
distance on the left: these two places are well supplied with spring water and abound in 
palms; they lie on the banks of the Kaju; the Chief is Mir Mohibbie: the road to 11 miles 
lies in the Kaju, thence to Geh, 41 miles over hills and through ravines. Geh is situated 
between 2 nullas coming from the east, and a 3rd larger one from the north ; all these 
nullas abound in springs, some of them hot: the town consists of about 600 huts and a large 
high mud fort situated close on the banks of the large nulla; it is reckoned the second place 
in Mekran, Keij being the first, and its dependencies are of greater extent than those of any 
other State; they stretch from Chobar 100 miles along the sea coast and 80 inland. The 
revenue of this Chief is not above Rupees 4,000 yearly, and he may be able to collect about 
3,500 armed men from his own districts and those of the petty Chiefs, with whom he is on a 
good footing. 

This State was formerly much subject to be plundered by the tribes on the borders of 
Mekran and Persia, hut has for a few years enjoyed peace from these depredations. 

March 21 st .—Marched towards Bunpore. The road this day over hills and through 
ravines to 14 miles; Hechan, a fine village, with a fort situated on the banks of a nulla; its lands 
are well cultivated and watered; the inhabitants are about 2,000. The dependencies of Geh 
extend thus far. 

At this place I. met with a person who had assumed the character of a Seid and was 
travelling over Mekran and the adjacent countries ; he understood most of the Oriental 
languages and some of the European. I could discover nothing from him at this time ; he 
afterwards sent me a note, saying he was an Armenian, but I could not find out whether he 
was employed by any one. 

March 22nd .—Marched to Sarhi, 21 miles; the road to-day is exceeding steep and difficult, 
through the Hechan Nulla; it has a stream of water flowing nearly the whole way. This 
is one of the Passes into Mekran from the north; there are 8 Passes between Minab and 
Kelat-i-Sewir, and they are all so difficult that the passage might be obstructed by a very 
small body of men. 

The greatest elevation of the Mekran mountains is attained at this place; the streams to the 
south flowing towards the Indian Ocean and those to the north towards the Gulf of Persia. 

March 23 rd .—At 6| miles, Ogliin, a small village, with water and palms; at 13, Peib, a 
Fort, and chief place of the valley of Lashar. This valley is about 8 miles broad and 25 long, 
and had a number of fine villages abounding with palms; but from the tyranny of the Bunpore 
Chief, to whom it is tributary, it is now much on the decline : it can furnish 500 good 
soldiers. At 19 Gordor, a small village and fort; at 26 halted: the road for 8 miles through 
ravines, the remainder through the Nulla of Lashar; springs of water in most paits. 

March 24 th .—At 2 miles Esfaca, a large village and fort; at 14 quit the Lashar Nulla and 
enter on sand hills; at 27 Gizkok, a halting-place, but no village; the water brackish; 

numerous flocks among the adjacent sand hills. 

March 25 th .—At 10 miles the Bunpore Nulla, with a stream ol water 20 yards wide and 3 
feet deep : the sands extend thus far ; at 13 miles Bunpore, the road through cultivation and 
jungle. The Fort of Bunpore is situated on an extensive plain, and from the height of the mound 

B 


6 


CAPTAIN GRANT’S ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


[Appendix I. 


of earth, on which it is built is visible at the distance of 25 miles; it is of mud, small, and 
crowded with buildings: the town consists merely of a few huts, occupied by the Chief’s relations 
and dependants: the inhabitants in general live in huts scattered about as their flocks or 
cultivation call their attention; the immediate district of Bunpore is about 5 miles broad and 
30 long, stretching from east to west, and, being well watered with springs, produces grain 
in such abundance as to supply most of the neighbouring countries ; it has a desert of sand 
of about 25 miles broad on each side of it; that on the south is bounded by the Mekran 
range of hills, and that on the north by a range running parallel. The present possessors of 
Bunpore invaded it about 25 years ago, and, dispossessing the former inhabitants, settled 
themselves; they are called Narrois from their former country, Narro, about 250 miles 
E. N. E. of Bunpore : their Force when collected is 300 Cavalry, well armed and mounted, and 
2,500 Infantry. Their chief employment is plunder, their expeditions being generally directed 
to the westward, extending to Minab and Bunder Abbas : the inhabitants and cattle constitute 
the chief spoil; the former are sold as slaves to merchants from Candahar, who bring horses 
in return. These expeditions have been in some measure checked since the establishment of 
one of the Persian Shahzadas at Kerman about 3 years ago. 

The Baloehes of Lower Mekran are not so habituated to rapine as the tribes inhabiting 
the borders of Candahar and Persia : fear of these latter obliges travellers, of whom the 
greater part are pilgrims from Cabul and the Punjab, to take the route of Sinde, and thence 
travel through Mekran. 

From the bad character of the Bunpore Chief I found it impracticable to penetrate to 
Minab by the direct route ; I therefore returned into Mekran by the Pass of Champ. 

April 1st .—Marched 8 miles to Gwarpusht, a small village with springs and palms; 
the road is crossed by the Bunpore Nulla, which loses itself in the sands about 40 miles west 
of Bunpore. 

April 2nd. —The road leads over a desert of sand for 21 miles to Shurda, a fountain in 
the hills; to 26 miles over sand skirting the hills; to 36 miles over hills; halted at Surmich, 
a small fort and village ; it has a well-watered spot of about 4 miles in circumference 
and depends on Bunpore. 

April 3rd. At 6 miles attain the summit of the hills, where there is a very narrow 
Pass, whence the descent, though slight, is to the south by the Kaju Nulla, which takes its 
rise about this spot; at 9 miles Champ a short distance on the right; it is the residence of an 
independent Chief, who can raise about 1,000 excellent soldiers; his name Mir Onba; the 
chief produce of this country is very fine dates. Halted at 33 miles; water rather scarce the 
latter part of the road. 

April Uh. —Marched 23 miles through the Kaju, the banks skirted with palms and 
houses, and water flowing nearly the whole way. The descent this day is great, but gradual. 

April 5 th. —At 16 miles Kaserkand, the road as yesterday, and plenty of water; at 26 
miles Bug. The Pass from Bunpore into Mekran by Kaserkand is much easier, though 
longer, than that by Geh. Forage for horses is scarce on this road. 

April 3th. —Marched 12 miles towards Geh. 

April 1th. Marched to Geh. Being obliged to go to Chobar to pay for the horses I 
had purchased at Bunpore, I left my followers at Geh, wishing to pursue a route as far from 
the coast as possible. 

April 3th. Marched towards Chobar, the road leading through the nulla; at 10 miles 
the Hechan Nulla joins; it falls into the sea between Buzem and Tank 30 miles west of 
Chobar; at 33 miles quitted the nulla, which has water flowing most of the way, and 
is in many places skirted with palms; to 35 miles through ravines; to 41 over plains. 
Halted at a nulla with water. 


Appendix /.] 


CAPTAIN grant’s ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


7 


April 9tA .—Tlieroad to 21 miles among- hills and ravines. Here commence the plains; at 
36 miles Pa rag, a small village with water from wells ; at 43 miles Nimkhor, a salt water river, 
unfordable when the tide is in; at 48 miles Tiz : some parts of the plains had been cultivated, 
but from want of rain the crop was very scanty; there are very few inhabitants on this road. 

April 1(M.—Marched to Chobar and, having transacted my business, returned in the 
evening to Tiz. 

April 11 th .—Marched 48 miles towards Geh. 

April 12 th. —At Geh 41 miles. 

The direct route to Minab through Beint and Buskurd being too mountainous for camels 
and horses, I was obliged to pursue the route of Jask. 

April 13 th. —The road leads through a nulla for 10 miles to 13 over hills; crossed the 
Hechan Nulla; halted at Petab, a small village with palms and water at 28 miles. No inhabi¬ 
tants on the road, hut plenty of water. 

April 14 th .—At 16 miles Wajbis, a small village with water; at 26 halted at Korandab, 
no village hut plenty of water; the road this day leads' through a large nulla abounding in 
forage; the Nulla of Beint joins here. 

April \hth .—At 16 miles Zengin, a small village with water; at 27 halted at Bashin. 
Forage and water in plenty: the road continues in the same nulla as yesterday. 

April 16 th .—The road to 9 miles over stony plains to the wells of Balug ; at 19 crossed the 
nulla with water in it; at 26 halted at Karwan, on the banks of a branch of the same nulla. 
This day’s march leads over the plains between the sea and mountains; the inhabitants reside 
in temporary huts, removed from place to place for the convenience of forage, their flocks of 
camels and sheep being very numerous. 

April llth .—At 9 miles the wells of Kashi in the bed of a nulla; at 34 the wells of 
Suruk ; no water on the road between these stations. 

April 18 th .—At 11 miles Sudeich, a village with palms and water; at 14 a nulla; at 17 
Malike Chadig, a high mound of stones extending from the mountains towards the sea, mark¬ 
ing the boundary of Mekran. The dependencies of Geh end at this place, and those of Jask 
commence; at 22 Himend, a small village and wells ; at 29 Gabrig and a nulla with the 
wells sunk in its bed. 

April 19^.—Marched to Jagin, 21 miles; no water on the road, but plenty at the halting- 
place from a nulla. 

April 2 (M.—At 10 miles a nulla with wells, but the water brackish; at 18 the hills extend 
to the sea, at 26 miles Jask ; a few palm plantations on the road this day : Jask lies 
about 2 miles from the sea and 6 from the hills; the town consists of about 250 huts and 
a mud fort, but is now almost deserted from a pestilential fever having raged here for some 
months ; the Chief had removed his residence to Serfk, about 80 miles off. The water is from 
wells and mostly brackish : the country around for some distance had been cultivated, but is now 
much neglected. In the last 5 days’ journey over the plains a number of spots had been culti¬ 
vated, but the crops had mostly failed for want of rain. Forage for horses everywhere abounds. 

April 21 Si!.—At 7 miles Bamadi, a small village with palms and wells; at 20 amongst; 
hills; at 28 Surks, a cultivated plain with palms and water; at 33 halted at Shfrahan, a 
large village deserted; water good and in plenty from wells. The hills in these parts are not so 
crowded together as in Mekran, but admit a free and good passage between them. 

April 22nd. —Halted. 

April 23rd. —At 7 miles a nulla with salt water; at 10 Go, a small village with water 
and cultivation; at 17 Bareizg; the water bad and scarce; at 25 Sekoe, a large village and fort; 
at 31 Nemudi a large village and fort; at 37 Guz, a large village; at 38£ a nulla: rain 
having fallen in the adjacent hills this nulla had a torrent of water in it; at 46 miles Senk, 


8 


CAPTAIN GRANT’S ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


[.Appendix I. 


the residence of Mir Haji, Chief of Jask; it contains about 600 huts and a large mud fort 
it is about 4 miles from the sea and 6 from the Hills of Buskurd; from Shirahan to Gero 
the country is called Beaban, though better inhabited and cultivated than any in these 
parts ; and, indeed, the whole way from Jask plantations of palms are numerous and the crops of 
wheat had been tolerably abundant. The wells in these parts do not supply much water, and 
a number of them are brackish. Forage is scarce near the road, but abundant on the sands near 
the sea shore. Jask is tributary to the Imam of Muscat and pays about Rupees 2,500 yearly. 
The inhabitants are Baloches quite up to Minab; their language approaches nearer Persian than 
that of the Eastern tribes, which is more mixed with Scind; their religion likewise changes 
from the Sum to the Shiah sect. 

April H^th. —Halted. 

April Ebth. —At 2 miles Teroe, a small fort and village; at 6 Gero, a large village and fort; 
a nulla runs close to it; the dependencies of Jask extend thus far : at 13 miles the hills extend 
to the sea; at 25 Kohistag, a fort built on an insulated hill on the sea shore; the wells are 
on the beach. Halted at 28 miles; water and forage in plenty. The hills retire from Kohistag 
behind Minab, and do not approach the sea again till beyond Bundur Abbass. 

April %lth. At 5 miles a salt nulla; at 18 the cultivated parts of Minab commence; at 
19 Balali, on the banks of the Minab Nulla; at 27 halted at Hukmi. The Fort of Minab is 
situated partly on a hill, and is divided into the upper, centre, and lower forts: it is of little or 
no strength; the town is large and the houses built in much more commodious manner than 
any I have yet met with ; a nulla breaks through the hills close to the fort and forms a Pass 
from the Eastward: it and the cuts made to diffuse its waters serve as ditches to the fort; 
there is a continual stream of water flowing, but none reaches the sea, being consumed 
in feitilizmg the lands: the cultivated parts of Minab are about 45 miles in circumference, 
producing palms in abundance; this district likewise supplies grain to most of the neighbouring 
countries; its villages are numerous, each having a small fort for the inhabitants to retire to 
in case of unexpected invasion. Minab would be a most convenient place for an army to halt * 
at to refresh and collect its provisions: forage is so abundant that the cattle of the neighbour¬ 
ing countries are sent in great numbers to remain there during the hot season. 

The Chief’s name is Mir Golam Ally, but he is quite dependent on the Imam of Muscat, 
who receives about Rupees 30,000 yearly from this district and keeps a small garrison in the 
fort. Although not paying revenue direct to Persia, Minab may be considered as part of that 
kingdom: the neighbouring Persian Chiefs are on a good footing with it, and lend their Force 
and protection against its disturbers. 

27 th April. —Halted. 

28 th April. —At 7 miles the cultivated parts of Minab, and at 28 miles a cistern and 
caravanserai, but both much out of repair; at 33 the Nulla of Koventi; at 43 a salt nulla; at 
50 Maknokha, a small village and fort, with wells and cultivation; at 56 Bundur Abbass; the 
road to Maknokha over a barren salt plain. There are 3 roads from Minab to Bundur Abbass, 
the centre one, by which I travelled, another by the sea shore, and a third along the foot of the 
hills: the last is most frequented as having a number of villages and good supplies of water. 
Bunder Abbas is m possession of the Imam of Muscat; it is fortified with several walls 
within each other without ditches; the country around is barren and the water bad. A 
good trade is carried on from the interior, the caravans arriving in the cold weather, during 
which time grain is procurable in very large quantities : the customs of the place amount to 
about Rupees 20,000, for which and the Minab tribute the Imam of Muscat partly accounts to 
Persia. 

Mekran is divided among a number of petty Chiefs; the principal are those of Bunpore, 
Geh, Bawu, Surbaz, Keij, Dizec, Penjgore, and Balah. 


Appendix 7.] captain grant's route through western mekran. 9 

Surbaz lays about 50 miles E. S. E. of Bunpore, and commands one of the Passes leading 
into Mekran. This State was formerly of much greater power than at present, holding the whole 
country down to the sea, including Bawu and Dashtyari; the lower districts have lately 
been wrested from it by the Judgalls, a tribe whom the ancestors of the present Chief brought 
from near Balah and settled here to enable themselves to resist the power of Keij ; its chief 
places are seated on the nulla which passes Bawu; the produce is mostly dates. 

Keij is reckoned the first city of Mekran, and lies about 120 miles east of Kaserkand, 
opposite to one of the Mekran Passes; its power is now merely confined to a small district near 
the town; it has 2 forts, the larger being held by a Governor from Kelat-i-Sewir, the smaller 
by the Chief, Marrab Khan; he is of a tribe called Gijld, from the name of a town some days' 
journey N. E. of Keij : the produce of Keij is the same as that of Surbaz; the nature of the 
country is mountainous. Dizec lies one hundred miles east of Bunpore, and its inhabitants 
are nearly as famous for their rapine as the Narrois in their plundering expeditions; they have 
been known to move upwards of 200 miles in 3 days, sweeping the country of its inhabitants 
and cattle : the territory of Dizec is a mixture of plains and mountains. Penjgore lies 100 miles 
E. N. E. of Dizec, and is still tributary to Kelat-i-Sewir : its territory is mountainous. 

Balah lays a short distance inland from Lonemeany; the inhabitants are Judgalls and are 
in a better state than most of the Baloche tribes. 

Buskurd, which is included in Kerman, lies on the western extremity of Mekran, and 
occupies the angular nook of land which projects into the Indian Ocean and forms one side of 
the entrance of the Gulf of Persia, leaving a small extent of plains between its mountains 
and the sea; it is a remarkably hilly country and is inhabited by a brave and hardy race, who 
sometimes infest the roads towards Minab ; it yields excellent dates, and carpets of a mixture 
of cotton and wool are its chief manufacture; springs of water abound throughout it. 
Mekran was conquered by Nassir Khan, Chief of Kelat-i-Sewir, but on his death, about 15 
years ago, either his son's indolence or the country producing little advantage has caused 
this authority to be relinquished, and the present Chief has only possession of a fort at Keij. 
Braovi is the name of the Kelat tribe, and they are in a better state of civilization than 
any of the Baloches, a considerable intercourse subsisting with Hyderabad, Candahar, and 
Ivorachey : the climate of Kelat is so cold that there is snow 4 months in the year. 

The whole Force of Mekran may amount to about 25,000 men, but in the present state 
of things it would be impossible to make them act together; indeed, the country has not 
resources to maintain them in a body for any considerable time. When a Chief takes the field, 
he summons his vassals, who are obliged to attend him at their own cost for 40 days, but the 
affair is generally decided in 12 or 15; instead of receiving pay, these men are assessed at a 
lower rate than the rest of the inhabitants, and are frequently altogether exempted. As 
soldiers the Baloches are neither remarkable for bravery nor for a deficiency of that quality, but 
in general they might be depended on as steady men; they are very expert with the matchlock, 
which, with a sword, shield, and large knife, forms their equipment: they seldom quit their 
houses unarmed ; there are a great number of them employed by the Arabs of Muscat on 
board their Dows and Ships, and they are reckoned very faithful. 

The inhabitants of the lower and centre countries of Mekran are chiefly employed in 
agriculture, the manufacture of cloths, and an attention to their flocks; they are, I think, a 
quiet and well-disposed people. The Baloches of the hills, who lead a savage life apart from 
the towns, sometimes infest the roads. In the higher countries the inhabitants are more 
inured to blood and rapine, esteeming attention to their land as an object of much less impor¬ 
tance than arms; but I found .them hospitable and a manly freedom in their behaviour; they 
are a more robust and a braver race than the southern tribes, and so much have they prevailed 
in all their contests, that the name of a Narroi strikes terror throughout Mekran. 

C 


10 


CAPTAIN GRANT’S ROUTE THROUGH WESTERN MEKRAN. 


[Appendix I. 


The principal object of my journey having been to ascertain whether it were possible for a 
European Army to penetrate through this country to Scind, I will proceed to deliver my 
ideas on that subject. There are 2 routes by which this might be effected ; the first by 
marching east from Minab and entering Mekran by the Pass of Rumishk or Fanoeh, 
continuing the route by Beint, Geh, and Keij at the distance of about 90 or 100 miles from the 
sea coast till it falls into the road leading’ from the inland countries to Korachey. 

The commencement of this route, that is, from Minab to Fanoeh, has from all reports plenty 
of water, and, indeed, the common road from Chobar to Minab formerly led by Fanoeh; in the 
whole tract between Rumishk, and where the route joins the Korachey road, water is plentiful 
and the country produces dates in considerable abundance; flocks are met with, but not very 
numerous; grain is scarce. This road would be almost impassable for Artillery from the 
mountainous nature of the greater part of it; it would be best adapted to the Infantry as 
furnishing a sure supply of water and a considerable quantity of provisions, which could never 
fail altogether, as the palm trees themselves offer a sure resource at all seasons : it would be 
advisable for no larger bodies than 5,000 men to move together, as the roads are in many places 
very difficult. 

The second route is along the coast by Jask and Chobar to Korachey ; this route is nearly 
uniform the whole way over plains between the sea and mountains. In the part I travelled 
over I experienced no want of water, except in a small tract between Shfrahan and Serfk, 
about 40 miles, where the water is soon dried up in the wells; but this is of less consequence, as 
they are very numerous. Little or no rain had fallen this year, and yet the nullas always afforded 
a laige supply of water. Provisions would not be procurable, except precautions had been 
taken to collect them at Chobar orGoadur; but flocks both of sheep and camels are numerous. 
This road would be best adapted to the Artillery and Cavalry from its level nature and from its 
furnishing everywhere supplies of forage for horses; the troops should move in bodies not 
exceeding 2 or 3,000, as the water in many of the stations is confined to one spot. 

The opposition of the natives might impede but not obstruct this passage; it would 
most effectually be offered in the upper route, where irregular troops might continually skirmish ; 
in the plains it would avail nothing. I do not think any would be offered, except instigated 
by some foreign power; and to effect this no difficulty exists. 

Nothing that has fallen under my own observation has been mis-stated in the above pages; 
whatever has been received from report has been carefully selected : but should there be any 
eirois under this head, they must plead for their excuse the circumstances under which the 
information was collected. 


(Sd.) N. P. Grant. 



APPENDIX II. 


MEMORANDUM OF MR. MACLEOD’S TRAVELS IN MEKRAN IN 1853. 

Mr. Macleod, Deputy Collector, Customs, employed a portion of the slack season during- 
the last monsoon in visiting some of the neighbouring ports on the Mekran Coast. His subse¬ 
quent illness has prevented his submitting any written Report of what he saw, and the follow - 
ing particulars are taken from his letters while on the journey, or from what he has orally stated 
to me:— 

2. He extended his trip considerably beyond any place he had before visited, and returned 
by boat from Gwadir, about 300 miles distant from Kurrachee in a direct line, but nearer 400 
by the route he followed in going thither. 

3. He travelled by camel, and found no difficulties but such as the scanty population and 
want of good roads and supplies accounted for. He was everywhere received by all classes with 
the greatest respect. This may be partly owing to his being so well known and highly esteemed 
by the Mekran traders who resort to Kurrachee; but he expresses his belief that any English¬ 
man would be equally well received. 

4. Sonmeanee he found much fallen off since he had visited it some years ago. The 
exactions and misgovernment of the Jam of Beyla, the immediate ruler, a feudatory of his 
relative the Khan of Kelat, joined to the increased facilities afforded by the Port of Kurrachee, 
had diverted almost all the trade to the latter port. 

5. Oormara and Gwadir he found thriving places ; the latter was ruled by an Officer 
known as the “ Wullee” of the Imaum of Muscat, who receives the customs and town dues, but 
the Khan of Kelat was considered the sovereign of all beyond the town walls; his local repre¬ 
sentative was Fukeer Mahomed, Chief of Ivedge, who was universally complained of as a great 
tyrant. 

6. In reply to enquiries as to the proceedings of the American traders on this coast, Mr. 
Macleod was informed that their transactions last season were very limited in comparison with 
previous years. It had been the custom of the Americans, whose ships are generally fitted as 
whalers, to call at the ports on their arrival on the coast and enquire the price of wool, &c. If 
the price asked did not suit them, they went away and called again before leaving the coast. 
Last season the Bunyans combined to keep up prices when the Americans first called, in the 
expectation that, as in former years, they would revisit the ports before leaving the coast. In 
this hope the Bunyans were disappointed; the Americans did not return, and the Bunyans, after 
waiting till the best part of the season was passed, had to send their wool to Bombay and 
Kurrachee, and seemed now less inclined to wait for American customers. 

7. The trade between the interior and these ports is direct via Kedge, Punjgoor, &c.; and 
Mr. Macleod considered it, from all he heard, capable of considerable extension, if greater 
security to life and property were afforded on the lines of road leading inland. He saw reason 
to believe, however, that whatever might be its extent, it might ultimately be made to centre at 
Kurrachee, with very trifling exceptions. 

8. He was greatly struck by all he heard of the annual advances made by Persia in this 
direction. The Force employed by the Shah is very small, but more than sufficient to over¬ 
come the very insignificant opposition with which it has met or is likely to meet, and 
perhaps as much as the limited resources of the country could support. The people of Gwadir 
stated that it was only within the last six or seven years that the Persians had been 
ao-o-ressive but that during that period they had annually advanced their frontier several stages 



12 


MR. MACLEOD’S TRAVELS IN MEKRAN. 


[.Appendix II. 


towards Gwadir. They occupied Bunpoor a couple of seasons ago, and have since occupied 
Kupurkund ; and advanced parties had levied tribute in the Shalhs name up to the river of 
Kedge, which runs not more than 40 miles from Gwadir; and the people there fully expected 
that the Persians would, during the coming season, advance and occupy the place, as they 
had threatened to do last year. It did not appear that the enterprize would he a very 
difficult one, as Mr. Macleod thought a score of resolute, well-armed men would have been 
ample to eject the “Wullee” and the few Arabs who formed his escort. 

9. When Sir Henry (then Lieutenant) Pottinger travelled in Mekran in 1814, the 
Persian Frontier was fully 250 miles west of Gwadir, vide the Map annexed to his Travels, 
and pages 168-249, &c. 

10. Who holds Gwadir, or a few hundred miles more or less of the barren highlands of 

o 

Mekranj may be^ in itself, a matter of very little importance ; but a bold on that place 
would afford the means of diverting the attention of the power occupying the line of the 
Indus, at any time when an attack on that frontier was threatened from the direction of 
Candahar or Cabool. 

11. Arrian vividly describes the frightful sufferings of the Army of Alexander in their 
march through Mekran; and the difficulties of the route have been commonly supposed to be 
a secure harrier against the transit of a large armed Force : but from what Mr. Macleod 
saw of the country, he was led to believe that, supposing the country to be now in the same 
state as when Alexander marched through it, he would have found a much better road by 
keeping near the sea coast, and that the sufferings of the Macedonian Army were mainly 
owing to the route chosen having been too much inland; something of this kind seems deducihle 
from Arrian’s narrative, as Alexander seems twice to have altered his route so as to keep nearer 
to the coast, and thereby found water, of which he had been previously in great need. 

12. Be this as it may, it is clear from Mr. Macleod’s descriptions, that any power in 
possession of Gwadir might with ease push out small bodies of light Troops towards Sind, and 
without coming near enough to risk their own safety, they might unsettle men’s minds and 
diveit attention from real points of attack further north. For this reason it maybe thought 
expedient to watch the movements of Persia in that quarter, and enquire what the Persian 
Officers on that Frontier are about. 

13. On the subject of the import of slaves into Mekran, sometimes kidnapped from 
British India, Mr. Macleod has addressed a separate letter, of which extracts have been 
submitted to Government. Every one assured him that the fear of the displeasure of the 
British Government had of late years greatly checked and almost stopped the practice by 
lowering the marketable value of Indian slaves in Mekran. 

(Sd.) II. B. E. Freiie, 

Conimr. in Scinde. 


The Government of Bombay has forwarded a Memorandum from the Commissioner in 
Scinde representing alleged advances annually made into Mekran by the Government of Persia; 
and has observed that it seems undesirable that Persia should obtain a footing in Mekran. 

I am not disposed to attach any great weight to the alleged advances of Persia into 
Mekran, legaid being had to the nature of that countiy as bordering on our frontier ; but I 
think that a copy of the Commissioner’s Keport and letter should be sent to the British Minister 
at Persia, and that he should be requested to be so good as to ascertain the truth of these alleged 
advances and their object. 


Ivurrachee, 

The 13 th Oct. 1853. 


8 th December 1853. 


Daliiousie. 



APPENDIX No. III. 


EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN BONNAMY’S MEMORANDUM ON THE NORTH¬ 
WEST FRONTIER OF BRITISH INDIA, 1836. 

Description of Baloochistan.- —The country of Baloochistan lies between the 25th and 
31st degrees of North latitude and the 58th and 68th meridians of East longitude. It is 
bounded on the South by the Indian Ocean, West by Persia, North by Cabul, and on the East 
by Scinde. 

Character of the Inhabitants. —Its inhabitants area hardy,brave, and hospitable, though 
a depredatory, race. So little are they under the control of authority, that not only do the 
various tribes wage mutual war, but on any occasion of grievance, or frequently from the 
thirst of plunder alone, they organize and execute a regular foray into the territory of 
their enemies, carrying off all that is transportable, burning and devastating the rest. These 
expeditions are called “Chapoos they are often carried to a considerable distance, and immense 
fatigue undergone and danger dared in their performance. Men bred in such habits ought 
at least to make good soldiers, and to be able to defend their mountain Passes against an invad¬ 
ing enemy, could they but be brought to sacrifice their internal and long-cherished feuds 
to a united and general defence of their country. Their religion is the Soonee Mussulman. 
Many of the tribes inhabiting this extensive range of country are known under specific 
denominations, but the appellation of Beloochee is common to them all. Those tribes to the 
Westward bordering on Persia, from their intercourse with that nation, and being often coerced 
by it into unwilling dependence, have imbibed a tinge of its character. 

Government. —The Khan of Kelaat is the nominal Sovereign of Baloochistan, tributary 
to Caubul. His subjects are divided into communities called Kheels, each under its respective 
Chieftain, who owes services and allegiance to the Khan. 

The bands of this feudal connection are, however, but lightly drawn, and the vassal is, 
perhaps, as often found ready to resist as to obey the commands of his Suzerain. The revenue 
of the country amounts to about Rupees 3,50,000 per annum. 

Military Strength. —The Military aggregate strength of the Kheels, on a rough 
estimate, may amount to 100,000 men; but the feuds existing between the Chiefs, and the 
inefficiency of Government, are such, that this national Force could never be united or its energies 
beneficially directed. 

Description of Country. —Baloochistan, with the exception of Kutch Gundava on the 
East and the Desert to the Northward and Westward, is a high mountainous tract of 
country, particularly the Eastern Division of it (formerly known by the name of Zebulistan), 
in the centre nearly of which is the Capital of the country, Kelaat. This elevated legion is 
separated from Sinde by the Sooleman range of mountains, and from the Desert by the 
Sarawanee mountains, which running Westward also form a barrier between the Desert and the 
Provinces of Mekran and Lus, on the South Coast of Baloochistan. 

The latter range of mountains between the Kelaat Territory and the Desert, Colonel 
Pottinger thus describes : “ They appear to be intended by nature as an insurmountable barrier, 
and present the most difficult defiles I have ever seen in any country.” 

The valleys of the Kelaat country are well cultivated ; water is abundant, and large herds 
of cattle and flocks of sheep are reared on the mountains. 

* This is a Turkish word, and used to designate forays over all Tartary and Persia. (Note by Sir J. Malcolm.) 

D 






14 


BONNAMY ON THE NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF BRITISH INDIA. [Appendix III. 


Kutch Gundava is a low, rich, and well-watered plain, several branches of the Naree river 
running through it. 

Sooleman Mountains. —The Sooleman range of mountains run nearly North and South, 
from the great chain of the Hindoo Koosh to the Indian Ocean. Towards the South they 
form a most admirable natural boundary between Baloochistan and Sinde. 

Inaccessible but by their Passes, of which there are several similar in their character to 
the general description of mountain Passes throughout India, rocky and abrupt precipices, 
stony valleys, the beds of periodical torrents, and close defiles. Many of them are well 
described by Mr. Elphinstone, Colonel Pottinger, Sir J. Macdonald, and Mr. Macartney; and 
if further proof were wanting of the difficulties they present to the passage of an Army, even 
without an opposing enemy, we have only to refer to Monsieur Bernier’s admirably-drawn 
description of Aurungzebe’s Army in the defiles of the Himala leading to Cashmere. 

Climate. —Even in the summer months the climate of the elevated regions of Baloochistan 
is cool, but in the winter months the nights are bitterly cold, with strong North-east winds, 
hail, and snow. 

The Provinces of Lus and Mekran (on the sea coast) are open to the S. W. Monsoon ; 
their climate is considered prejudicial to Europeans. 

In the low plains of Kutch Gundava the heats are excessive, and the Sumoom occasionally 
blows in the hot months with a deadly fury. Hot winds are also prevalent in the Desert. 

Products. —The Camels and Dromedaries of Baloochistan are highly valued, as being of a 
superior description : towards the Desert they are bred in great numbers. The horses of the 
country are generally hardy, useful, and, in the Western Provinces, often very handsome. 

Cattle and sheep are numerous, and in the valleys of the Kelaat Districts grain in abun¬ 
dance is grown, as are fruits and vegetables, both European and Asiatic. The plains of 
Kutch Gundava produce also madder, cotton, and indigo. 

Passage of Troops through Baloochistan. —Should ever the resources of Persia be under 
the control of the enemies of Great Britain, their object may become an invasion of her pos¬ 
sessions in India by advancing from Shiraz or Kerman through Baloochistan into Sinde. 

There are no intermediate routes between the Northern one by Kandahar and Caubul and 
those to the South through Mekran and Lus, the intervening space being the sandy deserts 
of Seistan and Kerman,* practicable, indeed, for caravans of camels, but across which no large 
Army could dare to venture. The height of the sand banks to be got over, the deficiency of 
water, the hot winds, and the absolute sterility of the country, are most formidable difficulties 
even to individuals. 

Seistan.— Seistan, here described as a Desert, appears from tradition to have been once a 
fertile country. An ancient History of Guzerat relates the passage of it by a Persian Army 
under Shah Beheram Gore, in the 4th century; it is, however, now a desolate sandy waste, save 
close on the banks of the Plelmind, which river traverses the country, and gives the means by its 
overflow for some little cultivation, and even fertilizes productively a small tract to the South¬ 
ward, called the “ Gurmsyl.” 

Southern routes on Sinde.— By one of the Southern routes, that apparently along the coast, 
as it appears that wells for the convenience of the fleet were dug by the Troops as they pro¬ 
ceeded, Alexander, after his invasion of India, returned to Babylon. From Patula (Tattah) he 
is recorded to have proceeded through the country of the Arabitce (Lus), forded the Arabis 
(Ponally), and entered Gedrosia (Mekran). 

The havoc made among his Troops by thirst and famine is fully recorded by the same 
historian. 


* For the character of these Deserts, vide Fraser’s “Khorasan,” Pottinger’s “Baloochistan,” and Elphinstone’s 
“ Caubul.” To European Infantry, if not to Cavalry, they will, I think, readily be pronounced impracticable,-J. B. 






Appendix III.'] bonnamy on the north-west frontier of British India. 


15 


All their former hardships, endured in their expeditions through Asia, were not to be com¬ 
pared to what they suffered on this march. It was on the desert of Mekran that Alexander 
“ satisfied the thirst of his Army” by throwing the water brought him by a soldier in his 
shield on the ground. Tradition, among the natives of that period, likewise assigned the loss of 
the Annies of Semiramis and of Cyrus (the son of Cambyses) to the sufferings and hardships 
endured in traversing the same route. 

It nevertheless appears, however, that in a. d. 677, an Army sent by the Caliph of Bag¬ 
dad against Sinde did traverse this route; by keeping close along the sea coast, they always 
found water procurable by digging a couple of feet into this sandy beach. That it is perfectly 
practicable to individuals is undoubted, for during the season of the year that the monsoon prevents 
boats passing 1 between Mandavee in Cutch and the Persian Gulph, it is constantly traversed by 
Native “ Kasids,” conveying letters between that place and Muscat. It was likewise travelled 
by Captains Grant, of the Bengal Army, and David Seton (formerly Resident in Cutch), who 
represent its only difficulties to consist in destitution of supplies. 

Should an Army of the present day attempt to advance upon Sinde by the above route, its 
great object would be to have its stores, Artillery, and supplies conveyed by water along the 
coast, and landed at Sonmeeanee (the Port of Baloochistan, and harbour occupied by the fleet 
of Nearchus), or perhaps Kurrachee; the progress of the fleet and Army to be regulated by each 
other, the latter receiving occasional supplies from the former. 

Entering Sinde by the road between Sonmeeanee and Kurrachee it appears is attended with 
no difficulty, as the Sooleman range of mountains breaking off short of the sea coast, there 
is no mountain Pass to traverse. 

From Kurrachee the road on Tattah and Hyderabad would be open, and thus once in 
possession of the western bank of the Indus, the invaders might attend on time and oppor¬ 
tunity to carry their arms into the immediate territory of British India. 

The execution of this plan of operations, it is, however, to be hoped, our command of 
the sea renders not only impossible, but, should the enemy attempt it, conveying his material 
by land, it would moreover (by means of boats adapted to the coast) enable us to harass 
the march of his columns. 

Detachments of light Troops might be landed in his rear, to cut off his supplies, to annoy 
his flanks, or, where advantageous ground offered, to dispute even his advance. 

To keep close along the shore it seems water would oblige him, and all this sort of attack 
would be wonderfully facilitated by the number of large nullahs which intersect the road; they 
are overgrown with jungle, dry in the hot season, but furious torrents in the rains—to the 
Troops of Alexander they proved formidable obstacles. 

From off the coast they have the appearance of so many mouths of rivers, and would lead 
to the supposition of the inland country being well watered; the reverse, however, cannot be 
more satisfactorily shown than by the Bundameer River, thirty miles East of Shiraz, being 
in the dry season the only running stream sufficiently deep to take a horse above his knees, and 
from Sonmeeanee to Shiraz is 1,600 miles. 

The other route from Mekran into Sinde lies to the northward of the above-mentioned 
one, entering the Kelaat District by Bela, and thence turning south to Sonmeeanee; but it is a 
sterile mountain tract running through several difficult defiles and deficient in water,” 



APPENDIX NO. IV, 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 

It had been my intention to delay writing on this subject until I could procure a written 
history of the Ahmadzyes, which I have reason to believe is in existence, and until I could 
obtain a collection of national ballads from the hereditary Brahoee sha’ars, or minstrels ; but 
the interest at present felt in everything relating to Balochisthan, arising from the disturbed, 
and to many no doubt, inexplicable state of affairs in that country, has induced me, perhaps 
prematurely, to attempt the task, and for being able to perform it I am chiefly indebted to a 
Persian manuscript drawn up in the summer of 1838 at my request by Myan Sibaghatulla, 
Sahabzadah of Sarhind, whose family had been settled at Kalat for nearly 50 years. 

Mistakes will no doubt be found to exist, as I have had no opportunity of corroborating 
the original accounts, but I am confident they will all be found, if any, in the early history, 
and thus only be liable to mislead the curious antiquary, and not the operative politician. 

Cabool, 

The 1st June 1841. 

P. S.—Myan Sibaghatulla, it must he told, while at Kalat, was a partizan of the 
Wukeel’s family. 


The Word Kullat. —The word Kullat, in Arabic, signifies a mountain-top : and the word 
Kalat, in Persian, is applied to a fort built on a commanding eminence; in this sense there are 
three Kalats familiar to the Natives of Central Asia, viz., Kalat-i-Nadio to the N. E. of Mushud ; 
Kalat-i-Ghilzye to theE. N. E. of Candahar; and Kalat-i-Nasseer, the Capital of Baloochisthan. 
In the Balochee language, which is corrupted Persian, Kalat is applied to a fort in general, 
and here it is used par excellence as “the fort.” 

Kalat-i-Sewa. —This fort was formerly known as Kalat-i-Sewa from a former Hindoo 


ruler, by name Sewamal: and his being known by this name militates against the supposition 
entertained by Pottinger of Sewa being an hereditary title in the family, which is reputed to 


have been of Rajpoot extraction, and Sewa’s title was, therefore, no doubt the military one of 
Singh, and not the mercantile one of Mai. 

Kalat-i-Baloch.— The Afghans know the place merely as Kalat-i-Baloch, and in the 
royal letters patent and mandates of the Daranee Kings, the small place of Neecharah is 

entered with it as “ Kalat-wa-Neecharah,” in compliment to the 
tribe of Neecharahs, who include themselves in the Alakozyes, 
and boast that their village of Neecharah contains the tomb of their progenitor, Alako. 


Kalat-wa-Neeeharah. 


Kalat-i-Nasseer.— On the accession, or after the time, of Meer Nasseer Khan, Mehrab 
Khan’s grandfather, the fort became known as Kalat-i-Nasseer, which appellation it at 
present retains. 

Hindoo Antiquities. —The place of the greatest antiquity in Baloochisthan is the island 
opposite Port Pasanee, called erroneously Sungadeep, but correctly Ashtalla, and also correctly 
Carmine by Nearchus, if we regard the word as a corruption of Carline or Kalyayan, from Kalee, 
the goddess of fate and Ayan abode. 

Sata-dweep.— It is at present known as Sata-dweep, or the Island of Sata (Astula or 
Kalee) : according to existing tradition it was once inhabited, but the inhabitants were expelled 




Appendix IV .] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


17 


by the presiding goddess in her wrath at an incest that was committed there. Pilgrims say 
they are now only allowed to remain on the island one night. 

Hingulaj. —Another place of Hindoo antiquity is Hingulaj (from Hingula, a name for 
the goddess Kalee, and j, an affix importing position). There are two places which pilgrims visit; 
one in a defile of the Hingulaj mountain, through which the river Agher runs, where there 
is a pool of water and a natural cave containing a natural pillar, between which and the sides 
of the cave sinners find a difficulty to pass, while saints experience none; and outside this cave 
there is a natural platform in the rock, where goats are sacrificed to the presiding goddess, 
Iiingula. 

Another is an ebullient (not hot) well, in which offerings are thrown, which, when emitted 
by a successive ebullition, form ingredients of thick cakes baked on the spot by the pilgrims, 
who keep fragments as relics. The pilgrims wear as a distinguishing mark of the order of 
Hingulaj a large string of small clay beads, which are to be purchased at Thattah. 

Other Pilgrimages. —Besides these two shrines, the following verse serves as a guide to 
Hindoo pilgrims in Balochisthan :— 

“ At Kalat you may see Kalee, 

And at Mustung Mahadave ; 

At Shal is the old jogee; 

Panee-natlPs grave.” 

Alexander the Great. —No tradition is preserved of the march of Alexander the Great 
through Balochisthan, with the exception, perhaps, of a mountain Pass near Sarhad, called Lak-i- 
Lukman ; Lukman being a fabulous philosopher whom Alexander released from a well in 
Baghdad , where he had been for 40 years confined by enchantment. 

At the same time I believe that Alexander the Great is not connected in the minds of 
the inhabitants with the legend, but that, regarding the work of cutting a pass through a 
mountain as one requiring great science, and knowing it to be a work of antiquity, they have 
<nven the credit of it to one of the only two scientific men of old known to them, viz., Lukman, 
the other being Plato. 

The inhabitants of the coast of Mekran also know by tradition that an Army was 
formerly reduced to great straits in taking the coast route from want of water and provisions. 

Bampoor. —Bampoor (originally, I have no doubt, Bramhpoor) must always have been, il 
not the Capital of Western Balochisthan, at least one of the chief towns from its fine natural 
supply of water. 

Mekran. —In forming conjectures on the derivation of the word Mekran, it struck me 
as singular that the word in Hindoo looked like the word Kirman, the letters changing places 
as in the words chik-al and kick-al, mud. 

I have heard of a rather ingenious derivation proposed in Mahee Khoran (fish-eaters) 
or Michran. The Scindians are at the present day called in derisionffish-eaters. Nearchus says, 
that the Icthyophagi believed themselves to be descended from a race who had been once trans¬ 
formed into fish or sea monsters. If this tradition was then in existence, and the inhabitants 
believed it, their country might have been known as Mekrine (Maharayan, the abode of sea 
monsters) j there is something of this tradition still preserved. The Island of Sata-dweep is said 
to have been depopulated by the presiding goddess on account ol the commission of incest there. 

K ech ._Kech may have been the same with Bramhpoor, it we regard it as reducible 

from Kanj, a name of Bramha; or it may be drawn from Kesh, a name of Yishnoo, when 
no doubt the town was called Keshapoor* 

Saiful Malook. —Of great antiquity also are the caves near Belav, called after Saiful 
Malook, and more than one account has been given of them. 


E 


18 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Gabers. —The whole country of Balochisthan abounds with the remains of what the natives 
at the present time believe to have been the works of the Gabers, or fire-worshippers; 
indeed, the remains of any kind of solid masonry suggest to them, the Gabers, as the founders. 
The following are some of the sites of such remains, viz. —in the defile of Jurgee, between 
Neeeharah and Kapoto, at a place called Gat, near Zahree at Zeedee; at Dashtee Goran, near 
Kalat; at Keel, in the Mora Pass; at Kuchakanee, in the Takaree Pass; near Bapow, in the 
Moora Pass; at Mishk, between Zahree and the Moora Pass. 

Kalat Antiquities. —The chief antiquity of Kalat itself is a Hindoo temple dedicated 
to the Devee, or goddess Kalee or Durga, the consort of Shiwa, which is believed to have been 
in existence even long before the time of Seva. Again, some say that the latter was ordered 
in a dream by Kalee to people the neighbourhood of the temple. Mehrab Khan had a respect 
for the Fakeer of the temple, so much so that when he died, the Khan gave him a piece of 
gold cloth for a shroud. 

Another antiquity, but of more recent date, is the grave of a Fakeer near the Kalat 
spring, who is said to have considerably enlarged it from what the original inhabitants or 
Dehwars made use of. The Fakeer is respected both by Mahomedans and Hindoos. 

“ While living, Oorfee ! so behave thee. 

That when thy life-time doth expire, 

Mahomedans with “ Zamzam” lave thee. 

And Hindoos burn thee on a pyre.”— From the Persian. 

In Sew:Vs time the summit' of Kalat only was fortified, and that even very par¬ 
tially, which is now called the Meeree (or citadel), an expression peculiar to Balochisthan, 
as in other parts of Ivhorasan it is called Arg (Meeree meaning literally “place of 
the Meer”). 

There are no vestiges of Sewa, except in a part of the present building between the 
rooms occupied by Mehrab Khan’s mother and by his son; there is a small room known 
as “ Khudee-i-Sewa,” or Sewa’s cabin; and whenever the slave-girls get ill there, they attribute 
it to being possessed of one of Sewa’s devils. 

Brahoee. —The term Brahoee I consider must have been given this people by the 
original inhabitants of the country on their first entering it. I believe the word to be a 
corruption of Ibrahimee, Brahimee, or Brahiwee, as a race either invariably takes its 
name from its progenitor or its original country. I have never heard it used in con¬ 
tradistinction to Naroee. Pottinger believes the word to have the same meaning as that 
of Roliilla. 

Rambar.— The only antiquity of these people I ever heard of is a boundary stone near 
Mashkai, called “ Sang-i-Kumbar,” where the Rambaranee patriarch no doubt fixed his 
boundary, with the aborigines, on his first settlement. 

Tombs.— The latest reminiscence of the past is to be found in four grave-yards under a 
hill to the East of Kalat: the western contains 15 or 16 graves of Ahmadzyes; the 
eastern, whose dome cannot, they say, be covered, is that of Sakhee Meer Samandar 
(the Sambar of Pottinger). 

Between the two is a yard containing the tombs of Meer Nasseer and Meer Mahmood 
Khan, and between this yard and the dome of Meer Samandar is the burial-ground of Meer 
Shahnawaz Khan’s family. 

Dehwars.— The oldest inhabitants of Kalat are said to be the Dehwars, or land proprietors. 

I do not look upon them as a distinct race, but as descendants of the different lords of Kalat, 
who have, after being conquered, sunk down into tillers of land. The present race, like the 
other Tajuks of Khorassan, speak Persian, corrupted with the local neighbouring dialects. 


Appendix I Vi] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


19 


The Dehwars of Kalat corrupt their Persian with Hindostanee, Pushtoo, and Braho-iky. 
following is a specimen :— 

Warnareesa, hamaneema raftam-hamanja 
yak kad e hood, aspia khuree 
kardam, azanja puthareed, 
paash ha kad-i-moosh daramad, ragh ash talced, 
mantharak zadam, sheosliudam, naf-i-man 
taleed wa dil-i-man budeed. 


The 


Jargon. 


Old fellow, this moment I went over there, 
there was a hollow there. I spurred the horse, 
he jumped over it, his foot got into a mouse- 
hole, he sprained his nerve, I made a spring 
and came down. I sprained my navel, and my 
heart got sick. 

These Dehwars are divided into five takars or clans. 

I do not conceive that Sewa had any government, hut rather that Kalat was first built by 
him, and considered his estate. 

Georgians. —Tradition says that Kalat passed into the hands of Persia from those ol 
Sewa, and that the Governor of the place was of Georgian extraction, who had a deputy at 
Khuzdar, and ruled over the clans, who were divided under separate Maliks and Arbahs. 

This Governor, after some time, losing control over his passions, commenced a system of 
gross tyrannical debauchery, carrying off by force the daughters of the peasantry ; and this 
was carried to such an extent, that the whole population was roused, and the heads of clans 
determined to administer the remedy with their own hands. 

The Deputy was much worse than his principal, as he not only required their daughters, 
but an entertainment of halwa (a blanc mange), which he had brought to him on a hill which 
is now called Koli-i-halwah, where the Governors of Khuzdar now go to hunt. 

The Governor had for some time been in the habit of requiring gratis and daily the 
services of 25 Dehwars to build the defences of Kalat: such was his fear of their revenge, 
that, before admitting them on the works, he had their persons searched to prevent their bringing- 
in weapons concealed about them. 

They were in the habit of baking bread of millet in large balls, with a heated stone 
in the centre, to provide for a thorough baking called by the Affghans hah, and it occurred 
to them that this might be the means of their release and the weapon of their vengeance. 

Revolution. —Next day they passed the guards without any suspicion being attached 
to their bread, and, finding the tyrant in a mid-day sleep, dispatched him; the town was imme¬ 
diately surprised from without, and the Dehwars became masters of Kalat. On the news 
reaching Khuzdar, a similar rise took place there, which terminated as successfully. 

Brahoee History. —The descendants of these patriots are now known among the 
Dehwars as (l dodee mast or “ bread heroes. 

Before entering on the history of the Brahoees, I must preface the subject by remarking 
that the history of these people is in the hands of the Lohree minstrels, but that I heard 
from Mehrab Khan himself that he could trace his descent for twenty-three generations. 


and that his progenitors emigrated from Halab (Aleppo). 

He also declared himself descended from Ameer Humza, uncle of the Arabian prophet, 

and a Hushamite Koreish. 

Though not in possession of Mehrab Khan’s pedigree, I procured in the early part of 
1839, when in Cutchee, that of Baloch Khan Dombkee of Lahree, who traces it to the same 
source as the Khan of Kalat does. It is as follows : Baloch Khan, son of Mehrab Khan, son 
of Jalal Khan, son of Shahdad Khan, son of Jalal Khan, son of Meeroo Khan, son of Boot 
Khan, son of Baloch Khan, son of Meeroo Khan, son of Baloch Khan, son of Mahomed Khan, 
son of Meeroo Khan, son of Mahommed Khan, son of Husen Khan, son of Isak Khan, son 
of Ahmad Khan, son of Gulo Khan, son of Pervez Khan, son of Kahloo Khan, son of Madil 
Khan, son of Noot Khan, son of Bazan Khan, son of Ayalee Khan, son of Zan Khan, son 
of Matan Khan, son of Sairan Khan, son of Rind Khan, son of Jalal Khan, son of Hareen 


20 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH/*S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Khan, son of Gul Kharaj, son of Jarkli Taj, son of Baloch Khan, son of Satookee, son of Ilm-i- 
Mardame, son of Badee Uzzuman, son of Ameer Humza, son of Abdu Mutalib, son of Ubdu 
Manaf, son of Abdul Hasham. 

Isak Khan had two sons, Saheek and Ilusen Khan. Chakar Khan is the son of 
Saheek; he is the progenitor of the Chakaranees of Hindostan. 

The former, Jalal Khan, had six sons. Bind, Latree, Hot, Ruraiee, and Jahtoee. 

Representative.— The Dehwars, on taking possession of Kalat, held a council among 
themselves, and elected a representative, by name Rais Taj Mahommed, the 8th progenitor 
. of the present Rais Khan Mahommed, and determined on putting' 

JJGputcttion. 

him at the head of a deputation, to wait on the Rambaranee Chiefs, 
who then resided at Mashkai, and invite one of them to rule over them at Kalat. The 
reason for making this choice was no doubt that they required a man of prowess, and where 
could they find one better to suit their purpose than among the Brahoees, who had lately 
colonized, and who had gained every inch of the ground they possessed by the sword, and 
whose deeds under their Chief, Rambar, were probably then fresh in the minds of the Dehwars ? 

Kambar.— This Imaum Rambar, it is said, had eight sons : descended the Kambaranees. 

Kambar from whom 


Ismail, 

Gurgeen 

Meroo 

Roden 

Eltaz 

Ahmad 


ditto 


ditto 


Ismailanees. 

Gurginadees. 

Meerwanees. 

Rodeenees. 

Eltazais. 

Ahmadzais. 


The Dehwar deputation waited on these brothers at Mashkai, and a consultation was 
held on the subject of the proposition, when the elder brothers agreed that they would spare 
Ahmad, the youngest, on account of his not having, like them, lands, flocks, and families to bind 
him to his paternal soil, and as being the most likely not to usurp undue authority. 

Ahmad.— Ahmad, with a few of his own Brahoee followers, proceeded with the Dehwars 
back to Kalat, and held his first court under a mulberry tree outside the fort to the east, which 
was situated on matee land (matee meaning river deposit) ; and under this tree for several 
subsequent generations the Ahmadzais held their Court when they had to discuss matters 
of unusual weight affecting the general welfare. 

Stipulations.— Before accepting, however, the Khanee of Kalat, Ahmad made the following 
stipulations with the Dehwars :— 

He required one of the six canals to be given to him for his support; this canal is 
called Joe-i-Toot, or Joe Ghulaman. 

Znd. He required grass, stalls, and pigs for his horses; wood for his kitchen; chobdars or 
macebearers for his court; couriers and runners to procure intelligence; guards on the gates; 
camel-men for marchins'. 

3rd. He required the fort to be repaired when necessary, and the snow to be swept off 
the houses and works in the winter. 


Uh .—He required to be relieved from entertaining public guests, such as envoys and 
couriers from Candahar and elsewhere. 

Like the Israelites of old, when once determined to have a king, none of the 
disadvantages urged by the prophet Samuel could deter them—so it seemed with the Dehwars, 
for they agreed to all these conditions, and continued faithfully to perform these services, with 
now and then some mitigation; for instance, as Kalat became peopled with foreigners, they 
were made to repair part of the works, and during the time of Meer Nasseer Khan, in 
consideration of the great influx of guests, he allowed the Dehwars 2,000 Kareembhaneo Rupees 


Appendix IF.] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


21 


a year; besides granting them some bunds or dams in Kuchee: these were, however, escheated 
by his successor, Meer Mahmood Khan. 

Tax. —Ahmad also made his brothers agree to give him from every flock one sheep, one 
rope, and one felt rug. This their descendants continued to do until the time of Meer Nasseer 
Khan, who remitted the tax. 

Geneology. —Meer Meerab Khan is, I believe, the 7th in descent from Meer Ahmed, the 
progenitor of the Ahmedzais, and among these seven are Meer Mehrab Khan-i-Kalan, Meer 
Kale Khan, and Meer Samander. 

Intimacy. —Among the eight brothers the Ahmedzais, Eltazais, and Kambaranees 
amalgated together, and shared each other’s joys and sorrows; that is, they intermarry and 
pay visits of condolence to each other on the death of a relation, and share in the payment 
of blood-money. 

Of the intermediate Khans between Meer Ahmed and Meer Abdullah, Mehrab Khan’s 
great-grandfather, I am in possession of little information more than the following :—Meer 
Samander obtained the surname Sakhee, or the generous, from his great liberality and 
hospitality. 

Meer Kale Khan. —It was first under Meer Kale Khan that the Brahoees rose into 
importance, and formed anything deserving to be called a separate independent State. He 

expelled the tribe of Soomrees or Nomryas from Tuhrab, Baghlana, 
and Khuzdar, whence they took refuge in Lus, and gave the country 
to the Brahoees. He also made inroads to the north and north-west, and took tracts of country 

from the former inhabitants, whom I believe to have been 
Huzaiahs. Huzarahs. This latter tribe, it is true, is now only to be found far 

north of Balochisthan; but there is evidence of their being once settled as far south as the 
district of Shawl, and this evidence is furnished by the Takatoo mountain, the word Takatoo 
being composed of Taka, a wild goat, and too, answering in the Huzarah dialect to the Persian 
dar, and Hindoo wala, and English er, as falcon, falconer; and kutchlak, caves. 

I believe the Brahoees to have gained northern Balochisthan from the Huzarahs, and the 
southern part from the Nomryas, Jokyas, and Jaths. This latter tribe once held part of 

Mekran; and I have more than once been inclined to suppose 
that the name had some connection with the country Gedrosia. 
There is, besides, a small stream near Cutchee, known by the name of Jathro at the present day, 
and a tribe called Jattakees, from their inhabiting the Jattak hills in the Brahooick range. 

It was under Meer Kale Khan, I should think, and not under Meer Ahmed, that the 
Brahoees were spread over the conquered country in the following order the Eltazais were given 

Bairhbana; the Meerwanees retained Mashkai and Kolwah; the 

. O' 

Colonies. Rodeenees and Gurginadees were settled in the south, and the 

Ismailanees in the north; while the Kambaranees were spread over the country from Kech to 
Mustung, as their great numbers created apprehensions of a revolution. 

Alliances. _As the power of Kale Khan increased, the Badechees of Shorowak and the 

Panees of Siwee courted his alliance, and it was during this ruler’s Government that Akhund 
Mullah Mahommad arrived at Kalat, having fled from Sheraz. He was a man of great talent, 
and his prepossessing manners and his foreign extraction, which rendered him free from localities 
and interests, induced the Brahoees and their Khan to offer him the office of Wuzeer with the 

title of Wukeel, as Wuzeer was only applicable to the Prime 
Wukeel. Minister of a King. The descendants of this Mullah Mahommad say 

that he was by descent a Sayad, but dropt the title on gaining temporary power. 

Divisions. _It was this man that first divided the Brahoees and their country into the 

two Divisions of Sarawan and Jhalawan. 


Jaths. 


22 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[Appendix IV. 


Dera. 


Foray. 


Sarawan means “upper country,” and is derived from the words sar and aladnee, thus; 
Sarabadanee, Sarabanee, Saraban (as Beaban) ; Sarawan and Jhalawan signifies “low country,” 
from the words jhala and abadanee. 

Sarawan is applied to the country north of Kalat, and Jhalawan to that to the south, while 
Lus means the “ flat country.” 

At present, in time of war, the Brahoees assemble under three standards, viz., under the 
Is?!, the Khan of Kalat and his own retainers, under the 2nd, the troops of Sarawan under 
their immediate leaders, and under the 3rd, the Troops of Jhalawan. 

Meer Abdulla. — Nothing of importance is really preserved as having taken place 
between the time of Meer Kale Khan and Meer Abdulla Khan, who was a bold, proud, and 
enterpi’ising man,, and was constantly employed making forays; sometimes in the territories of 
Shah Mahmood, Ghiljee, of Candahar, as is shown by the tomb of Sirdar Khan’s father being at 
Lylee Majnoon; sometimes in Sinde; and sometimes towards Derajat. The reason of his 

invading the latter country arose from the following accident:—A 
Brahoee shepherd, grazing his flocks in the country dependent on 
Dera, one day allowed his sheep to stray into some cultivation, for which trespass the former 
killed one of the sheep and severely heat the shepherd. He came to Kalat to complain to Meer 
Abdulla, who some time afterwards expressed to his nobles his determination of invading Dera. 

In vain did they try to dissuade him, urging the insignificance of 
the cause of the quarrel and the expense of the trip; nothing could 
dissuade him, and he declared thus in reply : “ That one Brahoee sheep nightly leaps in the 
bowels of Abdulla Khan and allows him no rest.” 

The foray was made and proved successful; several of the Dera villages were burnt to 
ashes, and Abdulla Khan’s troops returned to Kalat, laden with plunder and encumbered 
with captives. 

Some time after this a quarrel broke out between Abdulla Khan and the Kalora Chiefs of 
Sinde on the subject of the district of Cutehee, to which the 
Brahoee herdsmen yearly emigrated with their flocks for the winter. 
During the quarrel Abdulla Khan made several successful forays in the territory of the Kaloras; 
to resent one of which, Meer Johrab collected a Force, and moved out against the Brahoee 
Chief. The parties met and had a severe engagement, in which the Brahoees were defeated, 
Abdulla Khan was killed, and his corpse was never discovered. With him fell on the Brahoee 
Death side, besides 30(J men of no note, Meer Zirk, Zahree, the Chief of 

Jhalawan, and the father of Mulla Mahommed, Raisanee. Abdulla 
Khan before his death inflicted a severe wound on the forehead of Meer Johrab, and ever after, 

T , , when the subject of a quarrel with the Brahoees was started in 

Durbar, Meer Johrab would exclaim—“Ah! Baloches, the blood 
from the wound Abdulla Khan inflicted still trickles down the forehead of Johrab.” 

Kech. —It is also said that Meer Abdulla Khan made several forays in the district of 
Kech, but failed to take the fort of that name. 

Sons. —Meer Abdulla Khan left three sons; Meer Muhabbut Khan, Meer Mahomed 
Nasseer Khan, and Meer Eltaz Khan : the elder of these succeeded his father. 

Meer Muhabbut. —Meer Muhabbut Khan’s first thought was to revenge the death of his 
father on the Scindians, and this thirst would never, perhaps, have been allayed had not fortune 
about this time brought the Persian conqueror. Nadir Shah, to Candahar. Meer Muhabbut Khan, 
Nadir Shat after a consultation with his nobles, determined to repair to 

the royal camp, which he joined at Lahore in its progress to 
HindostaD, and stated that the object of his ambition and visit was to get revenge for the 


Kaloras. 


Appendix IF.] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF RABAT. 


23 


Mijan Noor Mahommed. 


Umarkote. 


Murad-i-Ganjah. 


death of his father. Nadir Shah’s answer was —“ The blood of Abdulla Khan stains the forehead 
of Nadir, and please God I will seek it at the hands of those fish-eating- Scindians.” 

Meer Muhabbut Khan accompanied the conqueror on his invasion of Hindostan. 
When Nadir on his return arrived at the Indus, the Khan reminded him of his promise; Nadir 
immediately ordered the route to be changed in the direction of Scinde, on his arrival on the 

boundary of which a Mijan Noor Mahommed, the Chief, fled to Umar¬ 
kote, and the inhabitants in dread left their villages and fled to the 
hill. On Nadir’s arrival at Hyderabad he lost no time, but, by making several forced marches 

(fable says one), succeeded in surprising the Scindian Chief in Umar¬ 
kote, who immediately surrendered, and on being asked by Nadir 
Shah whether it was true he had a well full of gold, replied —“ Please your Majesty, I have 
seven, and have brought the keys of the whole.” This answer pleased Nadir, who did not fine 
him, but brought him with the royal camp back to Cutchee, when he ordered him to be taken 
to the tents of Meer Muhabbut Khan, to be treated as the latter willed. The Brahoees, after 
some consultation, decided that Nadir Shah would be offended if the Scindian should be put to 
death; they therefore contented themselves with requiring, as the price of blood, the countries 
of Cutchee, Curachee, and the Boors, and a lakh of Rupees in ready money. An agreement to 

this effect having been concluded in the presence of Nadir Shah, 
Noor Mahommed was allowed to return to his Capital. On 
Nadir Shah’s arrival at Ganjabha, the Scindian Governor, Murad Ganjah, entertained him for 

a week, and then was killed by his orders, at the secret re¬ 
quest of the Sindh Chief, who distrusted him. Nadir then set out 
for Candahar via Sannee and Sohian, and the Bolan Pass. Meer Muhabbut distributed some 
of the lands thus acquired to the families of those Chiefs who had fallen with his father; 

for instance, he gave Gajan to the son of Meer Zirk, and Meer Raskeed Khan enjoys it at 

the present day, and Rahnakha to the Raisanees. 

Meer Nasseer Khan.— Meer Muhabbut Khan’s younger brother, Meer Mahommed Nasseer 
Khan, was, with Agha Aly Badazye and a few slaves, in constant attendance on Nadir Shah, 
and afterwards on his successor, Ahmed Shah. He was looked upon as a hostage, and it is said 
that during one of the campaigns he and his followers were at one time so destitute, that they 
extracted the half-digested grains out of horses’ litter to make bread of. Meer Muhabbut, 

jealous of his younger brother, did not furnish him with funds 

adequate to his support. During the time of Meer Muhabbut 
Khan, Akhund Mulla Shahdad was Wukeel, and his son, Akhund Mulla Mahommed Haryat, was 

appointed to reside at the Court of Ahmed Shah. 

One sultry day, when Meer Muhabbut Khan and Akhund Mulla Shahdad were out hunt¬ 
ing together, the former asked the latter to give him a drink ol 
Insult out hunting. water. Mulla Shahdad complied, but with a bad grace, as he 

regarded the request derogatory to him, and, fearing lest the Khan, if not remonstrated with, 
would demand other menial services from him, wrote a letter to his son at Candahar, saying, I 
always thought you were haizat (alive), but unless you can get Muhabbut Khans affairs 
disarranged for me, I shall think you dead. Akhund Mulla Mahommed Haizat, on receiving 

this letter from his father, made use of the influence his patron the 
Mulla Haizat. W uzeer, Shah Walee Khan, had over Ahmed Shah, in getting Meer 

Muhabbut Khan summoned to court. His coming to court, however, is accounted for m the 
history of Ahmed as followsWhen that monarch was on his return from Amanabad, in Guzerat, 
to Candahar, in the 3rd year of his reign, a. h. 1162 , Muhabbut Khan Baloch came in and paid 
his respects, and was made Chief of the whole of Balochisthan; soon after he began to commit 
acts of cruelty and tyranny, among which the murder of Gilan-i-Kasee, in Shawl, was the 


Mulla Shahdad. 


24 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH'S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


most glaring. This determined the king to fit out an expedition against him : the royal Force 
was opposed at Mustung by a Baloch Force under Haim Khan, Shaheranee, and Mulla Haizat, 
and gained a victory, making both the above prisoners. On this news reaching Muhabbut 
Khan at Kalat, he repaired to the royal camp, surrendered himself, and then, with the whole 
of his family, accompanied the king back to Candakar. 

When he, Mulla Haizat, had effected this, he still openly paid most abject court to Muhabbut 
Khan as his lawful Chief; but secretly intrigued with the Beahnee Chiefs in the Khan's train, 
and by the aid of presents put at his disposal by his patron, the Wuzeer succeeded in estrang¬ 
ing the Brahoees from Muhabbut and transferring their allegiance to Nasseer Khan. For 

some time these intrigues were carried on secretly; at last the 
Super-cession. . 

W ukeef, throwing off the mask, got the younger brother declared 

Khan of Kalat and himself Wukeel; and had Muhabbut Khan and a few of his confidential 
attendants put under surveillance, in which he died. 

Meer Eltaz. —Meer Eltaz Khan went mad, and his frantic tricks often justly caused 
alarm. One day at Ganjabah Meer Eltaz appeared before Nasseer Khan, when alone, with a 
drawn sword. The latter was a little lame from the effects of a wound received in Persia, and 
generally had a long straight sword with him, on which he leant. In trying to ward off his 
brother’s attack, he accidentally gave him a thrust, which proved his death-wound. Meer Nasseer 
Khan was greatly shocked at this calamity, and afterwards his mind took a serious turn, and 
he fitted out an expedition to Mecca to make atonement for his crime. 

Meer Nasseer Khan. —When Meer Mahomed Nasseer Khan obtained the Khanship of 
Kalat, he was twenty-four years of age, and he ruled, it is said, fifty years. Mulla Mahommed 
Haizat, as may be supposed, became all-powerful, so much so, that Bibee Miriam, the Khan's 
mother, is said to have taken her son to him, and solemnly to have confided the lad to his care, 
saying, he was the controller of her own and her son's fate, as the latter owed his advancement 
entirely to him. 

Meer Nasseer Khan's first care on gaining power was to reward the companions of his 
confinement. He conferred the Government of Bhag on Agha Aly, Badozye. The office of 
Harogah of Kalat he gave to Mullah Fuzul Mahommed, Ivhanahzad, the Sundookdaree to 
Mulla Peer Mahommed. To Mulla Yaya he gave the office of Phahgasee, and made Mulla 
Peer Mahommed, Kalaghzye, Duzbegeer and Darogah of Mustung, and Mulla Gudud his Nazir. 

Mulla Haizat fixed upon the Chiefs to be employed and took care that they were of 
sober and modest habit, not likely to mislead the young Khan. 

The first time that Nasseer Khan is mentioned in the history of Ahmed Shah is in the 
following passage :— 


Ahmed Shah.— In a. h. 1171, being the 12th year of his reign, on the 11th Rujab, the 
king having received intelligence of Ghazee-ud-deen Khan of Alumgeer and of Shahzada 
Timoor, ordered an army to assemble under Meer Nasseer Khan, the Baloch Chief, and 
to march on Cabool. On the 12th Shaban the king started, and, after being detained 
fifteen days ou the road from sickness, arrived at Cabool on the 17th Ramzan. 

Nasseer Khan, after assembling his troops, looking on the hurry of the king- as arguing 
„ , his fear of some powerful demonstration on the part of the Ma- 

.Rebellion. # 1 

rathas, threw off his allegiance, and fortified himself in Shawl, and 
commenced foraying the neighbouring Badeechees, Tareens, and other Afghans. Some time 
after, in a skirmish with the Kakurs, Rustom Khan Baloch with several followers were killed. 
On this account the whole of Balochisthan joined Meer Nasseer Khan, except Meer Jahanee 
and Jangal Khan, who were, in consequence, obliged to make good their retreat to Iskalkot, 
a place distant one Fursakh from Kalat. Nasseer Khan's Force, gradually increasing, reached 
at last the alarming amount of one lakh. 


Appendix IV.'] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECIl’.S BRIER HISTORY OF KALAT. 


25 


Surrender. 


On hearing this the king determined, on proceeding to Baloehisthan in person. After 
seeing Shahzada Timoor, he left Cabool on the 23rd Zilkad, and, passing Candahar, encamped 
on Thursday, 9th Mohurrum, on a rising ground, half a Fursakh to the north of Kalat, and com¬ 
menced the investment: next day Shah Wullee Khan was appointed 
to take up the investment on the west side, Barkhurdar Khan on the 
north, Shah Pasand Khan on the south, and Khan-i-Klianum on the east. Batteries were erected, 
and hostilities commenced. Many men were daily killed and wounded on either side, and Bar¬ 
khurdar Khan was wounded by a matchlock bullet. At last, on Tuesday, the 4th oi Mohurrum, 
at noon, after a desperate and well-sustained engagement, the Baloches gave in, and Nasseer Khan 
sent his mother and Mulla Haizat to sue for pardon, and soon after followed them himself. 
The king conferred on him a dress of honor (at that time coarse satin, called mushrooj and 
the Chiefship of the whole of Baloehisthan. 

Other Version. —The cause, course, and issue of this campaign is, however, differently told 
by the Brahoees in the following manner:—Shah Wullee Khan, the all-powerful Wuzeer of 
Ahmed Shah, either finding his influence declining, or taking offence at some act of the king’s, 
instigated his partisan, Nasseer Khan, to rebel, and then persuaded the king to advance in 
person on Kalat, which place was unsuccessfully beseiged for some time. At last the king 

authorized the Wuzeer to enter into terms. The latter of course 
Sie ° e ' had no difficulty in inducing Nasseer Khan to come out and 

surrender, which, it is said, he did, accompanied by a few followers, dressed, in the rude manner 

of his country, with raw hide shoes, camel hair coats, and leathern 
bags on their backs, containing a few handfuls of parched wheat, 
and, pointing them out to the king, asked “ what can your Majesty want of men whose 
clothing and food are such as you see ?” 

Bibee Jan.— Ahmed Shah took Bibee Jan, the sister of Bahrain Khan, for a wife for his 
son, Timoor Shah, and her brother accompanied her with the king back to Cabool. 

’ Treaty.— A Treaty was concluded between Ahmed Shah and Meer Nasseer Khan on the 

part of themselves and successors to the following effect:— 

_The Bralioee Chiefs are not to interfere in the internal feud of the Sadozyes, and 

are to he subservient to the reigning king. 

2 n d _Should an Ahmedzye Brahoee take refuge in the Dooranee country, the Sadozyes 

are not to support him against the Ahmedzye Chief of Kalat; they are either to give him up to 

the latter, or employ him about their persons. 

3 r d. _The Sadozyes are not to pursue any of their tribe who take refuge in the Brahoee 

territory. . . , , 

The Chiefs of the Dooranees and Brahoees exchanged a similar agreement, with the excep¬ 
tion of Barkhurdar Khan, Achakzye, who bore the Brahoees an ill-feeling, having, m the 

Persian compaign, been accidentally wounded by one of them. 

Observance —This 3rd Article was insisted on being rigidly observed, as in the case ok 
Shabzadah Humayoon, who took refuge from Shah Zaman in 1793 ; and in the case of Shah 
Shuja, who tied before the Sirdars after his last attempt to regain his throne, and took refuge 

with Mehrab Khan in 1834. , „ , . , ., 

Nasseer Khan continued to furnish his quota of troops in the Sadozye campaigns; and it 
was latterly employed in garrisoning Cashmere. There are at the 
Service. present day Baloch works in Cashmere, Peshawur, and Cabool. 

He received 500 dresses of honor from the royal ToshaJchana, headed the van of the Army, 

and was entitled to beat drums three times a day, and wear two 
Distinction. j igallSj or jewelled plumes, a privilege never granted to the 

Scindians. 

(j 


26 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Meer Nasseer Khan distinguished himself in one of the king's Persian campaigns. The 
Chief opposed to the Doorauees had a private understanding with the Wuzeer, Shah Wullee 
Khan, and the latter, on Nasseer Khan joining the royal camp, warned him not to 
volunteer for any attack on the enemy. Ahmed Shah, in public Durbar, on several occasions, 
^ , . called for volunteers: no one came forward; at last Nasseer 

Exploit. 

Khan, unable longer to counterfeit the craven, volunteered, with 
1,000 Jhalawan foot and 1,000 Sarawan horse, for the attack. During the time it lasted a 
false report was brought to Ahmed Shah of the Khan's defeat ! The former sent the news 
to his mother, Bibee Miriam, who was in the royal camp. This heroic woman made the 
following reply : If you say he is dead, I will believe it. Meer Abdulla never approached me 
without ablution; and I have never given suck to Nasseer Khan without the same ; and I have 
never slept with my back to him; how then can he be defeated and alive?" A second courier 
soon arrived, and contradicted the false report; the attack had been successful. Ahmed Shah, 
ghawl pleased with the high feeling displayed by Bibee Miriam, con¬ 

ferred on her and her son the district of Shawl, making a pun 
on the word. Nasseer Khan out of this district gave the water of Hanna to his patron, Shah 
Wullee Khan, Bamezye, and it is held to the present day by his descendants. 

Nasseer Khan again distinguished himself in Hindostan, at Muttra, where he was 
Harrand, Dajal. wounded. On his return Ahmed Shah conferred on him the 

districts of Harrand and Dajal (properly Daoojal). After this 
Nasseer Khan did not campaign in person; he never paid his respects at the court of Timoor 
Shah, but sent Sultan Mahommed Murad, the hereditary Sultan, to represent lnm there. 

Nasseer Khan made several fruitless attempts to take Kech. He at length made a grand 
effort, and ordered the whole of his Force to assemble in the spring at Khozdar. 

Expedition to Kech.— When assembled, it is said by Mirza Deen Mahomed to have 
amounted to 30,000 horse and foot. The siege of Kech was commenced on its arrival there, 
but it was beginning to be rather a prolonged one, when Nasseer Khan, annoyed at the delay, 
ordered ladders to be prepared, and the place to be assaulted by escalade at all risks. The 
attack proved successful. The Zikarees, who defended the place, were either killed or taken 
prisoners, and the grave of their patron saints defiled. The bones having been extracted were 
burnt with horse litter. The Brahoee loss amounted to 700. Nasseer Khan held the Meeree 
by means of his own dependants, but gave the town and district to the Lichkees. 

Imam of Maskat.— During the time of Nasseer Khan the Imam of Maskat took refuge 
at Ivalat on account of some convulsion in his own State; and received in grant for his 
support half the revenue of the ports of Gwadar and Chobar. 


Allegiance.— So strict in his allegiance to Ahmed Shah was Nasseer Khan, that he 
never failed in sending the usual yearly presents, consisting of horses, camels, and slaves, not 
on y to the king, but to his courtiers. He has, moreover, been heard to say, that should none 
be left of the Sadozye dynasty but a girl, and that girl a blind one, the Ahmedzyes ought to 
acknowledge her. ° 

Taste.—N asseer Khan had a great taste for learning, and invited learned men from all parts 
to his court. . He conferred on them salaries and grants of land, and distributed them through¬ 
out his dominions to instruct his ignorant subjects; and never were subjects more in need of 
religious instruction : it may fairly be said that they were only made thorough Mussul- 

Anecdote. mans of in Nasseer Khan's time. An anecdote is related of a 

u . Brahoee, who, when asked of what persuasion he was, replied 

The persuasion of the great Khan." On the Khan's return from his Hindostan campaigns 
he made up his mmd to introduce shaving of the head among his countrymen, that they miMit 
m no way lesemble the Sikhs. It was with the greatest difficulty that he got even the 


Appendix IV.] 


MAJOR, ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF RABAT. 


27 


people immediately about his court to allow of the innovation, although he set the example 
by shaving the heads of his own sons. The Brahoees, however, of the present day show they 
have in some way profited by their Khan's admonitions, seeing they differ from the Baloches 
and never indulge in intoxicating drugs. 

Charity. —Meer Nasseer Khan distributed large sums in charity, besides Rupees 2,000 or 
3,000 every Friday in alms. He yearly sent to Mecca presents to the amount of 
Rupees 30,000, and fed pilgrims gratis from one end of his dominions to the other. 

Respect. —In such veneration was Nasseer Khan held, and so proud was the Brahoee 
nation of him, that an anecdote is told, and the truth of it credited universally. That a Brahoee, 
on his return home from an interview with Nasseer Khan, would not for several days after 
open his lips to a soul, not even to the members of his own family. On his being pressed by his 
half-frightened frieuds to disclose the reason of his extraordinary silence, he sharply observed, 
“ how can I speak to such dirt as you with the same mouth that has been opened to address 
the great Khan ?” 

Reverence. —The Brahoees looked upon the descendants of Nasseer Khan as their spiritual 
as well as temporal Chief, until the charm was partly broken by Mehrab Khan by the number 
of cruel executions ordered by him: but even in his time the wild Brahoees from the hills were 
in the habit of kissing the threshold of the citadel gate. 

Anecdote. —An anecdote is also told, that Nasseer Khan during the early part of his 
Government kept a tame tiger, which he used constantly to visit for the following reason, 
which he assigned in reply to a questioner: “ Whenever I feel rebellious, I look at its eyes, and 
they remind me of Nadir Shah’s, and I am immediately quieted and made loyal again.” He 
also never lost his boyish dread of Mulla Haizat’s admonitions. The son of the latter, Mulla 
Futteh Mahommed, after his father’s death was Wukeel during twenty-four years of Nasseer 
Khan’s reign. 

When Nasseer Khan was getting old, fancying his end approaching, he reflected that his 
sons were mere children, and foresaw that the Scindians, on his death, would wrench from them 

the port of Karachee and the Koorg; he therefore determined, 
Cession. contrary to the advice of many of his self-sufficient courtiers, 

voluntarily to cede the above places in favor of their former owners, which he accordingly did 
by Treaty, after several missions and deputations had been interchanged. 

Bahram Khan. —Pottinger mentions that Bahram Khan made his appearance in Balo- 
chisthan during the reign of Nasseer Khan, and created some disturbances; but being defeated 
at Kohak by the latter in an engagement, again retired to Cabool, to which place he had 
originally accompanied his sister. Bibee Jan. 

Fvmily. _Nasseer Khan had nine wives and concubines; for many yeais none of his sons 

by them grew up, but all died at an early age. He had nine daughters, four of which he gave 
in marriage to the four sons of Meer Kamal Khan, Eltazye; the eldest, by name Maee Zainab, 
commonly 1 known as Maee Sahab, married Meer Sayad Khan. He gave his other daughters in 
marriage to the Gichkees and Meerwanees. 

Sons.— When Meer Nasseer Khan was almost beginning to despair of male issue, Bibee 
Khudejah presented him with two sons, Mahomed Khan and Meer Mustafa Khan; and by 
another wife, Bibee Jattee, daughter of Kamal Khan, he had a third son, Mahommad Raheem 


Death. _Meer Nasseer Khau’s death took place at Ganjabah, about 6 months after 

Timoor Shah’s, which happened on the 20th May 1793, and his young bul eldest son, Mahmood, 

succeeded him at the early age of eight years. 

Duranee History. —Mahmood Khan is twice mentioned in the Duranee history; once 

together with his brother, Mustafa Khan, as having in 1804 paid his respects to Shah Shuja at 


28 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Bagh, when that monarch was on his way from Candahar to Sindh, and a second time as 
having in 1814 paid his respects to Shah Mahmood at the same place. 

Bahram Khan. —Pottinger says that, in the early part of Mahmood's reign, Bahram Khan 
again made his appearance in Balochisthan, and the ministers of Mahmood Khan were obliged 
to cede to him the district of Cutchee, on condition of his not molesting the remaining 
territory; with this condition Bahram did not comply, hut raised a large Force, and assumed 
a threatening attitude: the ministers of Mahmood in alarm applied to Shah Zaman, who sent a 
Chief to arrange matters, which becoming impossible, war was declared. After several minor 
engagements the rivals had a general one, in which Bahram Khan was defeated owing to 
the defection, during the engagement, of several Chiefs and their contingents. He fled to 
Hyderabad, where the Ameers refused him refuge for fear of the displeasure of Shah Zaman. 
He then set out for Bhawalpore, and died of fatigue on the road, at Tanda-i-Kalandar Shah. 

Daee Beebo. —Mahmood's nurse, Daee Beebo, became a person of great note from her 
method of bringing up the young Khan. When Mahmood and Mustafa grew up, dissensions 
were sown between them. Maee Sahab, Ahmed Yar Khan, and the Eltazyes supported Mustafa 
. Khan in Cutchee; while on Meer Malimood's side were Mulla 

Dissensions. 

Futteh Mahommed, Wukeel, Naib Abdu Rahman, Badozye, and 
Meyan Ruhulla Babee. Such was the dissension that it spread to families; fathers and uncles 
would be on one side, and sons and nephew r s on the other. However, when Meer Mahmood, 
according to custom, went to Cutchee for the winter, Meer Mustafa would pay him the compli¬ 
ment of coming to Peer Chatta to meet him. 

Maiiommad Raheem. —Meer Mahommad Raheem Khan had fifty horse, and was in the pay 
of his elder brother. He was a great drunkard, but a generous man and a bold soldier; and he 
nearly succeeded in putting an entire stop to highway robbery in Cutchee. 

Character. —Mustafa was a great tyrant, and his punishments were most cruel. 


Mahmood, although addicted to gambling, drinking, and more degrading vices, was 
both humane and indolent to a fault. It is reported of him, that, after ordering a culprit to be 
placed in confinement, he would go in person at night and release him. He was a man of great 
strength, and it is said could straighten a horse-shoe. 

Campaigns.— Mahmood, it is said, accompanied Shah Mahmood twice towards Herat; and 
that monarch and Shah Shuja to the Derajahs and Sinde. 

Myan Ruhulla.— Myan Ruhulla, being a man of great talent and influence among the 
Brahoees, was looked upon by Maee Sahab with great suspicion and as a dangerous rival. 

She persuaded her colleague, Mustafa, to attempt the Myan's murder. They could not for 
several years, however, find an opportunity. At last one winter, when Meer Mahmood was on 
his way to Cutchee, on arriving at Nad, he heard that Mustafa had assembled a Force to oppose 
his further advance. He immediately dispatched a confidential slave, by name Hajee Barat, 
to Mustafa, who succeeded in appeasing the latter, and Meer Mahmood advanced into Cutchee, 
and made Gundava (properly Gunjabah) his headquarters. v It was at this place, on the eve of the 
Eed Kurban, when Mahmood was sleeping outside the town, that Hajee Ubdu Rahman Kaman- 
gar, muazin of the mosque of Nasseer Khan and an accomplice of Mustafa's, came, and 
informed his master that Myan Ruhulla was asleep and alone. The Khan, thinking it a 
Mm . der favorable opportunity, and attended by Shahghasee Deen Mahom¬ 

med, repaired unobserved to the Myan quarters, and, finding him 
asleep, murdered him. They afterwards made an attempt to murder Mulla Futteh Mahommed, 
Wukeel, and Naib Abdu Rahman in their quarters, but failed. Mustafa Khan, when the 
unusual consternation produced by this event was still at its height, dispatched, by the Nagour 
Confiscation. road to Kalat, Sultan Mahommed, Murad Mullazye, and Meer 

Allee, the nephews of Darogah Gul Mahommed, with orders to 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF RA T, AT. 


Appendix IV.] 


29 


Imprisonment. 


Release. 


confiscate the Myan’s property as well as that of the following' Babee merchants, who 

were all imprisoned, viz., Khaleefa Abdul Kareem, father of the 
present Faiz Ahmed, Mulla Alif, Bostan, *and Myan Moorulla, 

brother of the deceased. 

Meer Mustafa some time after came to Kalat himself, and released the Babee merchants, 
having realized, it is said, nearly four lakhs of Rupees from the 
confiscated property. 

Relationship. —Noor Mahommed Khan, Moosanee, father of the present Meer Boohir, 
had, on hearing of the death of Myan Ruhulla, taken his family to a place of safety at 
Noghiana, for the sake of the relationship that existed between them, Myan Sibaghatulla, 
the son of Myan Ruhulla, having married a daughter of Noor Mahomed Khan’s. 

Meer Fakeer. —Another of the events that marked the reign of Mahmood Khan 
happened as follows :—Meer Fakeer, father of Reia Bezanjo, rebelled. Meer Mahommed reported 
the subject to Shah Shuja, and as he, as an Amadzye, could not inflict the punishment of 
death, requested the king to depute one of his own nobles to sanction the adoption of 
extreme measures towards the rebel. Naib Gul Mahmood, Populzye, was accordingly dispatched, 
and arrived at Kalat, and from that place accompanied Mahmood Khan to Khozdar, where 

Fakeer and forty of his followers were captured and slain. Meer 
Mehrab Khan, during the Barukzye usurpation, did not hesitate 
to put Brahoees to death without any sanction but his own. 

Quettah. —During Mahmood’s time Quettah was twice sacked by the Kakars. 

M a s ic a t.— An embassy from the Imam of Maskat came to Kalat during Mahmood’s 
time, and never after. 

Quarrels. —The two brothers, Mustafa and Mahmood, were continually quarrelling, but 
always made it up after a short time until the following occurrence took place:—■ 

Maee Sahab, Ahmed Yar Khan, Meer Eltaz, and their party, determining to have a struggle 
for sole power, proposed to connect themselves by marriage with the Talpoor family of Sinde, 
at the head of which there were the four brothers, Gholam Alee, Karam Alee, Murad Alee, and 
Futteh Alee. 

Intrigue. —Maee Sahab and Meer Ahmed Yar Khan set out for Sinde, and gave to Meer 
Karam Alee in marriage Bibee Fatimah, the sister of Ahmed Yar 
Marriage. Khan. The Meer in return gave as a settlement the district of 

Shahdadpoor and Rupees 2,000, and gave Maee Sahab great hopes of support to her 
cause. 

Disgust. _This ill-judged match disgusted Meer Mahmood Mustafa Khan, and the whole 

of the Brahoees, and even the friends of Maee Sahab, equally; the Talpoors being considered 
a very low tribe, as the following Baloch verse will show . 

Verse. 


Kedds, Gabal Godhai Pachalo, Talpoor 
Bewakai Maree. Durust Ghulam-i-Chakare. 
Banadi Bashkathag'a. Datk-Nazurth 
Hadaiya. 


Translation. 

Kedds, Gabols, Gadhais, Pachalos, Talpoors, 
and lawless Murees. All were slaves of Chakar 
(Rind), with Banadi (his daughter) as a dowry 
he gave, Hadaiya (his son-in-law) would not 
have them. 

Deputation.— Mustafa Khan, Akhund Futteh Mahommed, and Naib Abdu Rahman were 
deputed to Candahar to interest the king in revenging this insult. They had already a friend 
at court in the Wuzeer, Slier Mahommed Khan. They offered to conduct the king through the 
Bolan Pass (an offer never before made), and to assist him in collecting the arrears of tribute. 

They also gave Meer Mahmood s daug’hter. Bibee Enmah, to the 
kiug’s eldest son, the present Prince, Timoor. 

U 


Betrothal. 


30 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Tribute. 


Treaty. 


Hunting. 


Death of Mustafa. 


On Shah Shuja’s arrival at Shikarpoor be devastated the country on this side the Indus, 
and compelled the Ameers, after a great deal of hesitation and 
evasion, to pay the sum of 24 lakhs of Rupees as arrears of tribute; 
three more lakhs being spent in fees and presents to the courtiers. The Talpoors, grateful for 
no heavier penalty, vowed Rupees 12,000 worth of silver to adorn the doors of the shrine 

of Sal Shahbaz at Dehwar. The Talpoors then entered into a 
Treaty with Mahmood Khan, and expelled Maee Sahab from their 
territory. The Khan then accompanied the king on his way to Dera and Peshawur as far 
as Dajal, and thence returned to Kalat. 

Meer Mustafa Khan and Mahommed Raheem Khan were deadly enemies. Mustafa Khan 
resided at Bagli and Maee Sahab at Kotdo, and the former was in the habit of going on 

weekly visits to the latter with a few horse for the purpose of 
hunting in the neighbourhood at Futtehpoor. During one of these 
hunting excursions Mahommed Raheem Khan happened to be hunting in the same neigh¬ 
bourhood at Panjak. On hearing of the proximity of bis brother and enemy, he abandoned 
the hunt, and proceeded with his few followers to attack his brother : an engagement took place. 

Mustafa Khan was killed and Mahommed Raheem fled to Dajal, 
where Naib Sadar was acting for Mustafa Khan, and after sacking 
this place he retired to Janpoor, near Dera. Maee Sahab took the corpse of Meer Mustafa to 

Bagh, and built a splendid mausoleum over it. Mustafa Khan 

delicts 

left one son, Sarfraz Khan, a daughter, Bibee Ganjan, and two 
widows, Bibee Ganj Khatoo, sister of Meerulla Khan, Raisanee, and Bibee Hazaree, daughter 
of Meer Hasal Khan, Shahwanee. During these transactions Meer Mahmood was at Kalat. 

Mahommed Raheem, not being able to rest at one place, was brought by his evil genius 
again to Panjak and to the neighbourhood of Maee Sahab, who burned to revenge the death, 

not only of a brother, but, it is whispered, of a lover. She stole 
upon him one day while asleep, attended only by a slave, Balcch, who 
was shampooing him, and her attendants immediately dispatched him after a short resistance. 
The corpse was brought to Gundava, and afterwards sent to Baghbana. lie left nc family. 

Meer Mahmood had now nothing to fear : but this independence came too late, for disease 
was making great inroads on his constitution. He at last fell a vic- 
tion to zabitus, a disease brought on by venerial excesses while yet 
a young man, having reigned 24 years. He left three wives, one concubine, three sons, and one 

daughter, Meer Mahommed Mehrab Khan, Meer Mahommed Azam 
Khan, and Bibee Emnah of one mother, Bibee Sakhee, a Shaeezye 
Mogul. The third son, Maddat Khan, of the concubine died at an early age. 

Death of Maee Sahab. —Maee Sahab died in the reign of Mehrab Khan of a stroke 
of a hot wind in the Moola Pass. 

Mehrab Khan. —When Meer Mahommed Mehrab Khan succeeded his father, he had 
arrived at years of discretion. 

At the time of Mahmood’s death Shahzadah Kamran was at Candahar and Mansoor 
Khan was Governor of Shikarpoor. Akhuud Futteh Mahommed lost no time in repairing to 

the latter place, and in persuading the Khan to accompany 
him back to Kalat, where, assisted by the Brahoee Chiefs, he 
installed Mehrab Khan, on the part of the king. Chief of Kalat, notwithstanding the 
opposition of Maee Sahab, the Eltazyes, and Meer Ahmed Yar Khan, who wished to declare 
the latter. 

Rebellion. —When Mehrab Khan, after his installation, left Cutchee, and was returning 
to Kalat, Maee Sahab took Ahmed Yar Khan, and retired with him to Shawl, the place of 


Death of Mahommed Raheem. 


Death of Mahmood. 


Relicts. 


Opposition. 


Appendix IV.'] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


31 


Peace. 


Abdul Kadir. 


Dad Mahommed. 


Ahmed Khan, Magasee, and collected a Force of Chandyas and other Brahoees. Mehrah Khan, 
on the other hand, collected a Force at Gunjabah, and encamped at Panjak. No engagement, 

however, took place, and matters were peaceably arranged by 
Akhund Futteh Mahommed and Naib Abdu Rahman; Maee Sahab 
and Ahmed Yar Khan accompanying the New Khan to Kalat. Abdu Rahman was 
left behind as Governor of Cutchee, and Wukeel Futteh Mahommed had otherwise the sole, 
direction and management of affairs. After some time, however, Mehrab Khan entrusted 
the management of affairs to his mother, Bibee Sahtee, and her manager again was Meer 

Abdul Kadir, son of Naib Abdu Rahman, who soon supplanted 
his father and led Mehrab Khan into every kind of debauchery. 
Some of the Khan’s slaves, such as Meero and Mubarak, made a point of praising their patron 

to Mehrab Khan in private. About this time Dad Mahommed, 
Umarzye Ghilzye, came into notice; he was one of the Pesh- 
kidmats of Mehrab Khan, and kept the seal with which the daily order for rations was sealed. 
This man, in the time of Mahmood, was dog-keeper to the young Mehrab, but, getting 
into a scrape about an intrigue with one of Nurse Beebo’s slave-girls, fled and took service with 
Hajee Barat. He was once employed in collecting the revenue of Dajal. Mulla Fakeer 
Mahommed, a Khanazad, was the manager of Kalat, and kept the Dafturs: Darogah Gul 
Mahommed and Shahghasee were of no note. 

Akhund Futteh Mahommed still continued to serve faithfully, although superseded and 
surrounded by enemies, the foremost of wdiich was the Khan’s mother. For fear of her, it is 
said, the Wukeel was often afraid to go to his house at night, and slept by the Khan. 

Although Mulla Abdul Kadir used to interfere in the Wukeel’s province, he always desisted 
when complaints were made to the Khan. At last the following 
enemies of the Wukeel conspired together and determined to attempt 
his ruin: they were Mulla Abdul Kadir, Meer Eltaz, Meerulla Khan, Raisanee, and some 
Ghulams. 

Meer Mubarick, the son of Mulla Futteh Mahommed, and Meer Kadir Bakhsh, Zahree, 
Chief of Jhalawan, his son-in-law, were both (unknown to each other) enamoured of one of 
Mulla Futteh Mahommed’s slave-girls. 

The conclave, therefore, first made a disclosure to each party of the other’s successful 
amour, and thus succeeded in making them deadly enemies. At last, in the month of Ramzan, 
when Meer Mubarick was performing ablution in his own room, Kadir Bukhsh stole 

upon him and killed him, and then fled to Bibee Lai Baiee, 
Eltazye, widow of Meer Mahmood Khan (his own mother being 
an Eltazye), where he remained in concealment three days. These same Chiefs, after Meer 
Mubarick’s death, importuned the Khan to kill Kadir Bukhsh, to avenge the blood of 
Meer Mubarick. Their object was to involve Meer Futteh Mahommed in a bloody feud with 
the Zahrees, and to deprive the Akhund of the powerful influence of such a son-in-law. Meer 

Kadir Bukhsh was accordingly killed in the Meeree of Gundava 
while bathing, and his corpse was taken to Zahree by Taj Mahom¬ 
med, Zahree, his cousin. 

Akhund Futteh Mahommed, by the counsel of the Zahrees and consent of the Khan, then 
set out for Candahar to sue for revenge : Shahzadah Kamran appointed Sirdar Poordil Khan, 

Barukzye, to accompany the Wukeel, and to carry out his views in 
Poordil Khan. respect to Abdul Kadir and Meer Eltaz. Wuzeer Futteh Khan 

was a friend of the Akhunds. 

On Kamran starting for Herat Poordil Khan set out for Dadar; on arriving there he 
suggested to the Wukeel that they should commence destroying Naib Abdu Rahman’s property, 


Death of Meer Mubarick. 


Death of Kadir Bukhsh. 


32 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IV. 


Bribery. 


Wuzeer Futteh Khan. 


Surrender. 


but the former would not consent. They then proceeded to Gundava, and Poordil Khan proposed 
the seizure of Abdu Rahman, but the Akhund again refused his consent. 

This wavering and repenting annoyed Poordil Khan, and caused him to accept the overture 
made to him at this time by Naib Abdu Rahman, accompanied by 
a bribe of Rupees 30,000; and no doubt the Akhund would soon 
have had cause to repent his lenience, had not at this time the 
news arrived of Wuzeer Futteh Khan being blinded. On receiv¬ 
ing the intelligence Poordil Khan immediatly set out for Candahar, and the deaths of Mulla 
Futteh Mahommed’s son and son-in-law remained both unavenged. 

Rebellion. Maee Sahab, Ahmed Yar Khan, and Sirdar Khan Rind again rebelled, and 
took up their quarters in Sawee; having gained over the Khajaks. Mehrah Khan collected a 
Force and marched against them. Maee Sahab stood a twenty days' siege, and then made a 

conditional surrender, and with Ahmed Yar Khan and Sarfraz 
Khan, the son of Meer Mustafa, accompanied Mehrab Khan to 
Gundava; Mear Ahmed Yar Khan having first sent his wife and two sons to Sagan. 

Mehrab Khan tried for a long time to get Ahmed Yar Khan to send for his two sons, but 
his friends persuaded him not to trust Mehrab Khan. At last, unable longer to resist the latter's 
importunities, the sons were sent for, and the whole party left Cutchee for Kalat. 

-Millie Abdul Kadn dispatched one Dadulla Khan to Candahar to Poordil Khan, whom 
Naib Abdu Rahman had secured in his interests by the Rupees 30,000 bribe, and got him to 

addiess letters to Mhee Sahab and Ahmed Yar Khan in answer 
to supposed proposals made by them, to the effect that “their 
letters had been received by Poordil Khan, who recommended them to pursue the course 
they had adopted, and promised that he would start with a Force as soon as their plans were 
matured." 

These letters were shown to Mehrab Khan as intercepted ones, and in proof of the 
treachery of Ahmed Yar Khan. Mehrah being loath to believe it, other letters were procured 
and shown ; the Khan believed them to be genuine, and Mulla Abdul Kadir, Meer Eesa Khan, 
Mongul, Dad Mahommed, Ghilzye, and Meero Ghulam, did not hesitate to advise the Khan to 
do away with both Ahmed Yar Khan and Sarfraz Khan, who at last agreed to it. Accordingly 
in the month of Rajub, one day early in the morning, Meer Ahmed Yar Khan was 
summoned before Mehrab Khan, being at the time an invalid, and cut down in the 
Deaths of Ahmed Yar Khan presence. Meer Sarfraz was then sent for ; they found him reading 
and Sarfraz Khan. the Tcoran, which book he brought to the presence with him, and 

by it entreated Mehrab to spare his life. His entreaties were of no avail; he was slaughtered 
on the spot, Meer Eesa Khan striking the first blow; Mulla Raiee, Shahghasee Barfee, and 
fifteen others of the deceased’s attendants were killed at the same time. Ahmed Yar’s 
sons, Meer Shahnawaz and Meer Futteh Khan, with their mother, were confined; and they 
remained under strict surveillance for near twenty years.. These murders were committed at 
Gundava, and Mehrab Khan returned to Kalat, leaving Mulla Abdul Kadir Governor of 
Bagh. 

Meer Eltaz.— On the march and in the absence of the above Dad Mahommed and Meer 
Eltaz completely gained the confidence and trust of the Khan, who soon after married Bibee 
Magany, the daughter of Meer Eltaz; and made the father his manager. Dad Mahommed 
having in reality all the power. 

Mulla Abdul Kadir, thus finding himself supplanted, appropriated to himself about a lakh 
of Rupees of the Cutchee collections; and proceeded to Kahnak and joined Meerulla, Raisanee. 
Mehrah tried to coax him to Kalat, but Poordil Khan and the Kakers some time dissuaded 
him. At last his father, Abdu Rahman, wrote him a letter, and, among other affecting appeals 


Appendix IV.~\ 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


33 


begged him not to prove false to the shade of Nasseer Khan. Unable to withstand these 
entreaties, he set out, and, having reached Manyochar, sent and requested that a respectable 
man might be sent from Kalat to meet and re-assure him. Kueen Khan, Zahree, and Mulla 
Murder of Abdul Kadir and Futteh Mahommed, Khanazad, were deputed with secret instructions 
AbduRahman. to murder him, which they did; the father, Abdu Rahman, being 

murdered at the same time at Kalat. The family property was confiscated, and some time after¬ 
wards Meer Yar Mahommed, Shaeezye Mongul, removed the family to a place of safety at Wad. 

Death of Meer. Eltaz. —During this time the Baloches of Cutchee were committing 
great depredations; and when Melirab Khan was on his way to that district, Meer Eltaz died, 
having been Sahabkar, or manager, only one year. 

Duranee History. —In the Duranee history Mehrab Khan is only mentioned once 
as having paid his respects to Mahommed Azeem Khan, Barukzye, and Ayoob Shah in 1820, 
when on their way from Candahar to Shikarpoor, at which latter place Shah Shuja was. 

Dad Mahommed. —On the death of Meer Eltaz Dad Mahommed became all-powerful, 
but he did not make a discreet use of his power, for he was in the habit of treating the 
Brahoee Sirdars with disrespect, deriding their appearance and peculiarities of manner in 
public Durbar. 

His assumption so disgusted the Sirdars, especially those of Sarawan, that they deputed 
Sayad Mahommed Shareef to Candahar, offering all to pay their respects to the Chiefs of that 
Province if they would promise them their assistance. 

Defection. —Sirdar Sher Dil Khan wanted to get Shikarpoor from the Scindians: he 
therefore treated the Sayad with great distinction, and he was dispatched with an Agreement 
and a dress of honor. The whole of the Sarawan Chiefs then repaired to Candahar and received 
dresses of honor. 

Deputation. —Mehrab Khan in great alarm dispatched Myan Sibaghatulla to Candahar, 
to make a Treaty with the Chief, Poordil Khan, and to persuade the Sarawan Chiefs to return 
to their allegiance. At the time of his arrival Sher Dil Khan had advanced two stages, as far 
as Daee; but was obliged to return from sickness. 

Treaty. —A sham Treaty was concluded, which provided for the removal of Dad Mahommed 
and the appointment of Futteh Mahommed to be Wukeel; Sayad Mahommed Shareef to be 
Naib of Dajal; Mahommed Khan, Shawanee, to be Naib of Dadur; Misree, Shaeezye Mongul, 
to be Naib of Shawl; Arif Khan, Mambaranee, to be Naib of Mustung; and Rupees 60,000 of 
the year 1234 a. h. to be paid (nominally to defray the expenses of dresses and entertainment 
to the Brahoees). The Sarawan Brahoees required the Khan's brother, Mahommed Azam, 

Wukeel Mahommed Sideek, Meer Rusheed, Zahree, and Meer Eesa 
Khan, Shaeezye Mongul, to come to Candahar to coax them back 
to their allegiance. The Sirdars dispatched Mulla Abdul Ghyas, in company with the 
Shahzadah, back to Kalat. The latter commenced intriguing with Mahommed Sideek Khan 
and the other enemies of the Khan: these comprised the whole of the Brahoee Chiefs, 
with the exception of Wulee Mahommed, Mongul, and Ahmed Khan, Magasee, who with on e 
consent determined on killing Dad Mahommed, even should no other opportunity be afforded 
them than in the presence of the Khan. 

Consultation. _A few nights after the return of Sibaghatulla to Kalat Mehrab Khan 

sent for Wukeel Futteh Mahommed and requested him to proceed to Candahar, instead of 
Mahommed Sideek, who was an enemy of his. To this proposal the Akhund did not agree, 
and Mehrab Khan, slightly annoyed, said, “ then you had better put your hands and feet in 
henna, and I will go myself." The Akhund was either playing a double part, or was led away 

by the Eltazyes Eesa Khan, Meer Booheer, Rusheed Khan. 


Terms. 


Defection of the Wukeel. 


Mahommed Khan Rind to regard the Khan's allusion to the 


34 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IF. 


Rebellion. 


Deputation, 


Defections. 


red dye as a threat to kill him be—either the true reason he certainly immediately joined and 
headed the malcontents. 

Towards the evening of the next day the whole of the Brahoees openly rebelled, and 
drew up on the road to Iskalko of the Shahwanees. Mehrab 
Khan moved out, and encamped in front of them, with the Ghu- 
lams or slaves, the Babees, and the town and suburb people, attended by Wulee Mahommed, 
Mongul, and Ahmed Khan, Magasee. Myan Sibaghatulla, with the Khan's consent, brought 
his mother and put her down between the confronting Forces. This of course was a signal for 
a truce. Until midnight the Sahibzada Sibaghatulla vainly endeavoured to reconcile the parties, 
and Mehrab Khan retired iuto the citadel; and the Sahibzada succeeded in getting his 
friend the Wukeel's family out of the town. 

Next day the Sahabzadee, Sayad Jamal Shah, Nazar Juma, Meer Jam Alee, and Meer 
Yakoob Khan, Eltazye, were sent on a deputation to the rebels 
with the following proposals, viz., that Dad Mahommed should 
be deposed and made over to them for execution, banishment, or pardon; that the Akhund 

should occupy his place; and that they should all receive their 
former jagheers. To these terms the rebels would not agree, saying, 
they had no faith in the Khan's promises or oaths regarding Dad Mahommed. On the Khan's 
deputation returning, Meer Kamal Khan, Meer Rusheed Khan, and Meer Yakoob Khan remained 
behind; the former was the last : on nearing the walls of Kalat a chance shot was fired by 
one of Ahmed Khan, Magasee’s men, and Meer Rusheed Khan returned to the rebels on the 
pretence that the shot was fired at him. 

The rebels moved off for Soherab, and Mehrab Khan sent Jam Alee to try and make 
terms. He also remained in the rebel camp. 

Embassy to Candahar.— The Khan at last, in despair, dispatched Hajee Barat, Meer 
Gul Mahommed, Ghilzye, Dewan Khemehund, and Sibaghatulla to Candahar, with Mulla 
Ghyas, the Khan's mother, and the stipulated Rupees 60,000. 

Death of Sher Dil.— On the night of the rebellion of the Wukeel and the Jhalawan 
Chiefs, Mulla Ghyas received intelligence of the death of Sirdar Sher Dil Khan at Candahar. 

On the embassy arriving at Kahnak, the tribes of Sarawan assembled, and tried to 
prevent the Maee proceeding to Candahar. MaeeNaz Khatoo, niece of the Khan’s mother and 
wife of Mahommed Khan, Shahwanee, interceded and prevented the detention of the embassy. 

Poordil Khan. —Poordil Khan, on hearing of the approach of the embassy, left 
Candahar and encamped at Daee, that it might be thought he was prepared to take severe 
notice of the delay made by Mehrab Khan in sending the deputation according to Treatv; 
at the first interview, therefore, although Poordil Khan received Maee Sahab with great 
courtesy, the delay was severely censured; and the Khan insisted on the payment of three 

lahks, instead of Rupees 60,000. This being agreed to, Poordil Khan 
offered before the payment of the money to put a Force at the 
disposal of Maee Sahab, to punish the refractory Wukeel and rebels of Jhalawan. She, however, 
proposed returning to Candahar with the Khan, from which place dresses of honor were 
immediately dispatched for Mehrab Khan and Dad Mahommed. 

Terms. —On terms being made with Poordil Khan, Mehrab Khan again sent proposals to 
the rebels in Cutchee, and Mahommed Sideek Khan, Meer Rusheed Khan, and Meer Kamal 
Khan proceeded to Kalat, on its being promised that Dad Mahommed should be given up to 
them, and that their jagheers should be restored. However, on their approaching Kalat, Mehrab 
Khan furnished Dad Mahommed with 1,000 Ducats and 60 horses, and told him to take refuge 

in Noshky; from this place Dad Mahommed dispatched his father, 
Sher Mahommed, to Candahar, with an offer to come and pay his 


Increase of tribute. 


Reception. 


Appendix IV .] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


35 


Surrender of Mehrab. 


Dajal sold. 


respects to the Sirdar, and he in person immediately followed and was received with great 
distinction. 

Return of Embassy. —The deputation remained five months in Candahar, and started 
on its return in the winter, accompanied, as far as Sharawak, by the Sirdar’s son, Meer Afzal 
Khan, and the whole way by Juma Khan, Barukzye. The Sarawan Chiefs also returned 
to their country, and Sibaghatulla and Khemchund were detained as security for the payment 
of what remained of the three lakhs. Mehrab Khan would not see his mother for a month after 
her arrival at Kalat, pretending to be offended at her having agreed to the payment of the 
three lakhs, and Dad Mahommed remained at Giranee at the Khan’s request. 

Failure to Negotiation. —The Khan then sent his mother to Cutchee to reconcile the 
rebels. They would not listen to terms and Mahommed Sideek and Meer Rusheed Khan also 
left Kalat and proceeded to Cutchee in disgust. 

After the winter was over, and the spring harvest reaped in Cutchee, the rebels proceeded 
to Khozdar, and threatened to continue their contributions in the 
direction of Kech. Mehrab Khan, seeing his overthrow approaching, 
proceeded with a few attendants to Khozdar, and threw himself on the mercy of his Wukeel. 

After reconciling the rebels by such degrading proceeding, Mehrab Khan sent for 
Dad Mahommed, and re-installed him after giving him a dress of honor and going through 
the mockery of sending him to the Akhund. 

Treaty Annulled. —Mehrab Khan, according to the Treaty with Poordil Khan, appointed 
the Naibs of the latter’s nomination; but soon after deposed them. This and the re-installation 

of Dad Mahommed rendered the Treaty with Candahar null and void. 
Sayad Mahommed Shareef, Naib of Dajal, had already sold the 
district to Nawab Bahawul Khan. 

Meerulla Khan. —The death of Meerulla Khan is one of the events that mark the reign 
of Mehrab Khan : it occurred in the following manner :—He was a Raisanee by tribe, and son of 
Mulla Mahommed; the mother of Sarfraz Khan, Bibee Ganj Khatoo, was his half-sister, 
and the mother of Abdul Kadir, Bibee Sahto, was his niece. On this account he was an enemy 
of Dad Mahommed, who caused their deaths, and Dad Mahommed, aware of this, continued 
to prejudice the Khan, who had now become completely his dupe against him. At last 

Meerulla Khan was sent for to the Meeree under pretence of his 
counsel being required, and there, in the presence of the Khan, 
was murdered. Yoosuf Khan and Meer Zungee, Raisanees, were killed near the mosque 
outside of the citadel, and Sakeer Mahommed was killed in his own house in the town. 
Mehrab Khan that night pitched his camp towards Khozdar preparatory to proceeding to 
Cutchee. 

Defection of Sarawan. —These murders spread the greatest consternation through the 
country, and in the spring the whole of the Sarawan Chiefs again 
Invasion. sought refuge and redress in Candahar. Mohundil Khan collected 

a Force and marched for Balochisthan. He arrived at and ravaged Shawl, Seeree, and 

Pilingabad. Mehrab Khan, after great delay, collected an ill- 
Engagement. organized Force, and marched for Mustung. At Shireenab the two 

advanced guards met, and an engagement ensued, in which the Brahoee troops suffered them¬ 
selves to be defeated. 

Tribute. _Mehrab Khan, discovering an extensive and dangerous defection among his 

troops, was forced to buy off the Candahar Force for Rupees 40,000 in a. h. 1234, and to 
o-ive Meerza Gul Mahommed as security for the payment of the money in Candahar. Rohundil 
Khan, having procured satisfaction for himself, returned to Candahar, leaving the Sarawan 
Chiefs at the mercy of Mehrab Khan. 


Murder of Meerulla. 


a 6 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[Appendix IV. 


Dad Mahommed’s connections. 


Place of retreat. 


Dad Mahommed, seeing his influence declining and becoming daily more unpopular, 
determined to connect himself by marriage with the Brahoees. He 
first took the daughter of Rais Khan Mahommed Dehwar. 
He next proposed for the daughter of Meer Misree, Shaeezye Mongul, but was refused. He then 
took the daughter of Eesa Khan, Shaeezye Mongul, and the daughter of Wadera Jan 
Mahommed, Bangulzye, for his brother, Khan Mahommed. He also made overtures to get 
up a party of the following, viz., Meer Wallee Mahommed Khan, Ghulamzye Mongul, Meer 
Fazal Khan, Zagar Mongul, Ahmed Khan, Magasee, and Meer Bijad, Keerwanee of Kech, 
and at Candahar with Mamma (Khuda Nazar Khan, Ghilzye), and through him with Sirdar 

Rahamdil Khan. The reason for his conciliating Meer Bijad was to 
secure Kech as a place of refuge in case of his being disgraced 
at court. 

Dad Mahommed’s usurpation. —Day by day Dad Mahommed became more powerful, till 
at last the Khan himself was not looked up to, and the former collected the revenue, and 
disbursed it as his own caprice dictated; he even proceeded so far as to give the Khan 
insulting answers, and to mimic him and to boast to his face that he had the power of deposing 
him. He was in the habit of withholding the household expenses for months together, and the 
Khan dared not remonstrate; he sometimes would not rise when Mehrab entered Durbar. 

Exposure. —The Khan’s eyes were at last opened, and he determined on ridding himself 
of Dad Mahommed, and broached the subject to Naib Mahommed Hassan, Shahghasee 
Noor Mahommed, Mahommed Sideek, Wukeel, Abdul Kareem Khan, Raisanee, and several 
others. The firmly-rooted infatuation of the Khan was, however, so well known to them, 
that they would not believe him when he told them he wished Dad Mahommed’s death. 

For a whole year he failed to convince them, till at last, when the winter approached and 
the time for the Court moving to Cutchee arrived, the Khan, as usual, requested Dad 

Dad Mabommed’a aaanmpfion. Mahomm<sd that the fMlds ““Many for the preparations should be 

produced. Dad Mahommed put the Khan off* from day to day (and 
it is said that the tents remained pitched for two months), and at last flatly refused the funds. 
Mehrab Khan, no longer able to bear with this assumption, sent for Dad Mahommed to the 
Meeree, and high words were exchanged; Mehrab Khan rising and retiring, and Dad 
Mahommed doing the same, to the suite of rooms occupied by the Khan’s mother for the 
purpose of performing ablution before saying prayers. 

Naib Mahommed Hassan and Wukeel Mahommed Sideek, witli others of their party, had 
some time before consented to attempt the life of Dad Mahommed, who was aware of their 
intentions, but doubted their daring. 

Death of Dad Mahommed.— As the latter was performing his ablutions as above mentioned, 
Naib Mahommed Hassan stole stealthily behind him with a drawn sword, and cut him down ; 
Shahghassee Noor Mahommed following the example. 

Boast. When I first met Naib Mahommed Hassan at Hustung in June 1838, with Syud 
Mahommed Shareef, the latter praised the bravery of the former as displayed on the above 
occasion, and pointed to the identical sword with which the deed was done and which hung by 
the Naib’s side with great pride. 

Appointment.— Dad Mahomed’s property, to the amount of from 4 to 5 lakhs, was con¬ 
fiscated, but it was thought that a great quantity had been concealed, and Mahommed Hassan 
was appointed Naib and Mahomed Sideek Wukeel, with all the honors. The Khan, however, 
thought and acted for himself, kept his own seals, and had his accounts kept by a Hindoo, by 
name Dewan Bachamal. 

Escape of Siiaiinawaz and Futteh Kiian.— When Shah Shuja was beseiging Candahar in 
1834, Meer Shahnawaz Khan and Futteh Khan made their escape from the Meeree of Kalat, 


Appendix IF.'] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


37 


Opposition. 


Pursuit. 


and then flight was not known till next day at noon. On their aPrival at Pishing they met 
Sirdar Samandar Khan on his retreat from Candahar, where Shah Shuja had been defeated, 
and returned with him to his estate of Hanna, in the district of Shawl. They then took refuge 
for a short time in the Kakar country, and then separated; Shahnawaz proceeding to Candahar, 
where Sirdar Kohun Dil Khan, at the recommendation of Mulla Nassoo Lodeen, for some time 
afforded him support; and Meer Futteh Khan taking refuge with Meer Rusheed Khan 

Zahree, here. After some time, having assembled a Force, he moved 
down on Cutchee, and was there joined by his brother, Shahnawaz, 
from Candahar: several engagements took place between them and the Khan’s brother, 
Mahomed Azam Khan, with varying success, until they were completely defeated by the latter 
at Dadar, and obliged to proceed to their former retreats. 

Meer Futteh Kiian. —Mehrab then moved a Force against Rusheed Khan, and demanded 
that his protege, Futteh Khan, should be given up; this Rusheed Khan refused : at last, at the 
mediation of the Brahoees, Futteh Khan was given up to Meer AVallee Mahommed and Raheem 
Khan to keep. Mehrab Khan then tried to bribe them to deliver up their charge to him, but 
found they had too much honor for him, for they not only refused thus to dishonor them¬ 
selves, but assisted Futteh Khan in making his escape to the Sasolees, from which tribe he 
retreated to Sinde and took protection with his aunt, Bibee Fatimah, at Hyderabad, where 

he got addicted to low pursuits and debauched habits, as did his 

Pursuits of the brothers. 

brother, Shahnawaz, at Candahar, who on that account was 
neglected by Kohun Dil Khan and reduced to great distress. 

Shaii Shuja. —'Shah Shuja, on his defeat, retreated via Lash, Seistau, and Sharawak. On 
his arrival at the latter place the Sirdars became aware of his proximity, and fitted out a “ cliapao,” 

under Rahamdil Khan, for his pursuit and capture; which latter 
was so nearly being 1 'effected, that, before the rear of the king’s bag¬ 
gage had left the ground at Mungochar, the advance of the pursuing party reached it, and suc¬ 
ceeded in capturing some baggage ponies. The Shah, on his arrival 
at Kalat, sought the tent of Mehrab Khan and threw himself on his 
protection. The Khan received him with great honor and all the deference due from a vassal 
to his sovereign. 

On leaving Mehrab Khan, scarcely had His Majesty reached his own suite of tents, when 
Jan Mahommed Khan, Kuzzalbash, arrived on the part of Sirdar Rahamdil Khan, to 
demand the person of the king. 

His Majesty, in the greatest alarm, sent Mehrab Khan a golden hooka and 500 goldmohurs 
by Kazee Mullah Hassan, Peshawaree, but the Khan, contrary to 

Conduct of Mehrab. t [ ie a( f v f ce 0 f menials, returned them; and then, contrary to 

the advice of his courtiers, told Jan Mahommed to tell Raham Khan, “ if he wanted 
Ins friendship, to refrain from his demand, as he was prepared to sacufice his life, piopeiti , 
country, and tribe in the service, or at the feet of his lawful king.” On Jan Mahommed 
taking his leave, and after the king had halted for some time at Kalat, the Khan furnished him 
with respectable men to accompany him to Bagh. On his arrival at the latter place he heard of 
the death of Samandar Khan at Siwee, and therefore proceeded without delay to Shikarpoor. 

Events of 1S3S.—But to proceed from these events to those of the year 1838. On the 
15th January of that year I arrived at Candahar, on a mission to the Sirdars, the object of 
which was to detach them from an alliance they were on the point of entering into with 
Persia, and in which I found Mehrab Khan was prepared to join them, notwithstanding 
he had sent an embassy avowedly to consult with them on the method of relieving Herat. 

Events of 1838.—In order to make known the Governor General’s declaration that the 
British Government acknowledged and respected all the different holders of power in 

K 


38 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECHES BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


[.Appendix IT. 


Afghanistan, I addressed *a letter direct to Mehrab Khan with the consent of Rahamdil 
Khan. Some time elasped before I received an answer, and I only heard that Mehrab Khan 
was piqued at Rahamdil Khan being made privy to our correspondence. Notwithstanding 
this, I afterwards discovered that the delay in receiving an answer to my letter was occasioned 
by the Khan writing from Kalat to Candahar to consult the Sirdar regarding the style of 
answer he ought to return. This shows that the supremacy of Candahar was acknowledged 
by the Khan. 

Events of 1838.—On it becoming necessary for Sir Alexander Burnesin April 1838 to 
break off all intercourse with Ameer Dost Mahommed, and to proceed direct to Peshawur, I 
was ordered direct to Shikarpoor by the Bolan route. 

On my arrival at Shawl in June, the Bolan route being reported impassable by the 
Governor of Shawl on account of the hot winds, and knowing that the Governor General, 
when he originally organized our mission, intended it should visit Mehrab Khan on its return to 
Hindostan, I determined on getting invited to Kalat to wait till the end of the hot weather. 
Having procured the necessary invitation, I proceeded to Kalat, where I held constant 
intercourse with the Khan for three months. 


Before I became aware of the intention of Government to restore Shah Sliuja, he foresaw 
that it would take place, and became very anxious to conclude a Treaty with the British 
Government, saying, he was favorable to the Shah’s cause, not from choice, for the king had, 
ever since he left Kalat, expressed his gratitude for his safety, which he owed, after Providence, 
to him, but from necessity, for the protection he had afforded to the fugitive Sadozye monarch 

Events of 1 S 3 S ^ad mat ^ e deadly enemies to him of the’ Barukzye faction, which 

now ruled Afghanistan. 

Whilst at Kalat I constantly wrote to Government, pointing out the value of Khan’s 
friendship in case an Army advanced by the Bolan route; but although, while at Kalat, I 
received intelligence of the intention of Government to restore Shah Shuja, yet I was ordered 
to keep it a profound secret. 

The hot weather having passed, and having yet received no authority to remain at Kalat, 
I started for Shikarpoor. On my arrival at Soherab I received a letter authorizing me to make 
the Shah’s restoration public, hut containing no instructions to remain at Kalat. These, 
however, at last reached me some days after my arrival at Shikarpoor; and I had scarcely 
completed my preparations to return to Kalat, when I received a letter from Sir Alexander 
Burnes, saying, he had been appointed Envoy to Kalat and requesting I would delay my 
departure. I joined Sir A. Burnes at Roree, and he became so taken up with Commissariat 

arrangements, in which he required my assistance, that he delayed 
either proceeding himself, or deputing me, until it was too 
late. 

Treaties had been concluded with the Ameers of Sinde and the Nawab of Bhawulpore, 
and Mehrab Khan was called upon to allow supplies to be Ibid in Cutchee and to procure camels. 
He laid obstacles in the way of the former being done, and made excuses for not doing the latter; 
saying, a Treaty should be made with him, as had been made with the Ameers of Sinde and the 
Nawab of Bhawulpore, to both of whom he considered himself superior, as he had never 
been tributary, as they had, to the Sadozye kings. A Treaty was refused, and after the march 
from Shikarpoor of the Army of the Indus, Sir A. Burnes proceeded to Kalat to purchase 
supplies and bring Mehrab Khan to pay his respects to Shah Shuja at Shawl, both of which 
objects he failed to accomplish; and the districts of Shawl and Cutchee were declared forfeited 
by the Khan accordingly. 

The army advanced on Candahar and Cabool, and Mehrab Khan having been convicted of 
annoying detachments frequenting the Bolan Pass by means of the Brahoee and other tribes 


Events of 1839. 


Appendix IV.'] 


MAJOR ROBERT LEECH’S BRIEF HISTORY OF KALAT. 


39 


Dexjosition. 


Last message to his son. 


inhabiting' the neighbourhood, his deposition was determined on; and the Bombay column 

under General Wiltshire on their return took the fortress of Kalat 
by storm on the 13th November 1839. 

Just before the citadel was stormed and he was killed, Mehrab Khan sent the following 
message with a matchlock to his son by Darogah Moosa:—Tell 
my son that both myself and my wealth have past away and 
become sin offerings for him ; give him this matchlock, that has descended as an heirloom from 
his forefathers. Tell him to keep it and bear it on his shoulders, and he will one day be Khan of 
Kalat. Tell him not to be guided by the counsel of the Brahoees, and not prematurely 
to oppose Shahnawaz Khan.” 

Connecting by Marriage. —Mehrab Khan, in his life-time, gave two of his daughters in 
marriage to two sons of Meer Karam Khan, Eltazye, and for his son, the young Nasseer Khan, 
he engaged the daughter of Meer Rusheed Khan, Zahree. 

Contrition. —The following will show that Mehrab Khan repented of the murderous 
policy he had pursued :— 

In Durbar one day in August 1838, wishing to prove if what I had heard of his cruel 
disposition was true, I remarked that Afghans and Baloches could only be ruled with a 
rod of iron. “I thought so too/’ replied he with a sigh, “and many a Chief have I had 
butchered beneath this very window at which we are sitting; but I was wrong, and I have 
lived to know it.” 


} 


Candahar, 

The 1st August 1842. 


(Sd.) R. Leech. 



APPENDIX V. 


FLUCTUATING FRONTIERS OF PERSIA AS INDICATED BY MORIER, KINNEIR, 
SIR JOHN MALCOLM, AND FRASER. 

As a further illustration of the nature of the frontiers of Persia on the East and South, 
the following passages are extracted from original authorities :—■ 

Morier, in the Narrative of his Journey through Persia as Secretary to the Embassy 
of Sir Hartford Jones (1S08-1809), writes as follows:— 

“ Of Farsistan, under this its present more extensive signification, the hot and desert 
country is called the Germesir, a generic term for a warm region, which will be recognised 
under the ancient appellations of Germania, Kermania, or Carmania. The termination of the 
Persian dominion in this direction, is an undefined tract between the Germesir and the 
Melcran. It was the ancient boast of Persia, that its boundaries were not a petty stream or 
an imaginary line, but ranges of impervious mountains or deserts as impervious. In this 
quarter there is little probability that the country will ever become less valuable as a frontier, 
by becoming more cultivated and better inhabited. The land is put to so little use, that 
no power would greatly care to press the extension of an authority so unprofitable. Every age 
has marked the unalterable barbarism of the soil and of the people. The Balouchistan, or 
the country of the Balouches, the most desert region of the coast, begins about Minou, on the 
west of Cape Jasques. Their country is perhaps nearly the Melcran of geography. They once 
owned subjection to Persia, but they have now resumed the independence of Arabs, and live 
in wandering communities under the government of their own Sheiks, of whom two are pre¬ 
eminent. They have indeed still some little commercial connexion with Persia, and occa¬ 
sionally a Balouche is to be seen in Bushire selling his scanty wares, mostly the mats of their 
own manufacture. One of their Sheiks lives at Guadel [i. e., Gwadir] on the coast of 
Melcran; but in the interior, according to the account given by a Balouclie to Captain 
Salter, there is a very potent king, though I cannot add from the same authority, 
whether he is of their own extraction. They live in continual wars with each other; 
or let themselves out to the different small powers in the Gulph as soldiers. Many of the 
guards of the Sheik of Bushire are Balouches; and the Seapoys also on board the Arab ships 
are of the same tribes.”* 

Kinneir, in his Geographical Memoir of the Persian Empire (1816), writes as follows:— 

“ It is not easy to define correctly the boundaries of the Persian Empire* which, it may be 
said, was at one time confined to the single province of Fars, whilst at another it extended 
from the shores of the Bosphorus to the banks of the Hyp\asis. But those apparently assigned 
to it by nature, and which were its limits in the reign of Artaxerxes, the illustrious founder 
of the house of Sassan, are the Sea of Oman and Indian Ocean to the South; the Indus and 
Oxus to the East and North-East; the Caspian Sea and Mount Caucasus to the North; and the 
Rivers Tigris and Euphrates to the West. These boundaries comprehend many great provinces 
and several kingdoms, which I shall hereafter endeavour to describe, although the dominion of 
the present King does not extend over many of these countries. It is confined to the provinces 
of Fars and Irak, Bar, Kuzistan, part of Kurdistan, Azerbijan, Ghilan, Mazanderaun, the 
western parts of Khorassan, with the cities of Meshed, Nishapour, and Turshish, and the western 
division of Kerman, including the capital of that province.” f 


* Morier, First Journey, pp. 49-50. 


f Kinneir, pp. 1-2. 





Appendix Y.] 


FLUCTUATING FRONTIERS OF PERSIA. 


41 


The language of Sir John Malcolm, a high authority, is precisely the same as that of 
Kinneir. 

Mr. James Fraser, who undertook a journey through Khorassan in 1821 and 1822, makes 
the following observations on that important region :— 

“ The boundaries of that extensive tract, recognized under the appellation of Khorassan, 
have been dfferently described by the authors who have written on the subject at different 
periods; and no country has, in reality, varied more in its extent or in its circumstances; 
at times, the centre of a great empire, it was the residence of mighty monarchs; at times, 
formed into a separate kingdom, it obeyed its own peculiar sovereigns; oftener a province loosely 
appended to a fallen state, it became the theatre of invasion, rebellion, and anarchy. Situated 
on the borders of the two great divisions of the Asiatic world, Iran and Turan, and occupying 
a portion of both, it was continually a subject of dispute between the monarchs of each . 
and sometimes fell wholly into the power of the one, sometimes of the other. Whether 
in the more limited sense of its name, as a province, or in the more enlarged acceptation, 
as a state of no mean importance, it was the scene of mighty operations; and many of the 
greatest atrocities and severest contests Asia ever witnessed, were committed in its cities, 
and took place upon its plains. Thus circumstanced, its political boundaries were continually 
varying, and extending or diminishing on the one side or the other, with the fortunes of 
its own or the surrounding potentates. 

“ The limits assigned to this country were at one time magnificent; for they compre¬ 
hended on the north everything to the Oxus, including the steppe of Khaurezm, Balkh, 
and all the intervening country to the east: on the south-east, not only the city and dependen¬ 
cies of Herat, but those of Subzawur, Furrah, Geereesh, and even Candahar itself: on 
the south, it was always bounded by Kerman and Seieestan: on the west it included the 
district of Yezd, but its salt desert was bounded in that direction by the districts of Ispahan, 
Cashan, and Rhe, somewhere near Semnaun; beyond the Elburz mountains, the district of 
Astrabad and of Goorgaun were also considered as dependencies of this vast territory. 

“ If Khorassan were to be considered merely as a province of Persia, and were the 
appellation limited to that portion of country east of Irak, which obeys the Persian monarch, 
its extent would now be small indeed.” 


Fraser’s Journey into Khorassan, pp. 211-242. 


L 





APPENDIX VI. 


DISPUTES BETWEEN THE IMAUM OF MUSKAT AND PERSIA IN 1846 * 

“ Early in the summer of 1846 attention was called to the disturbed state of affairs that 
existed in the Imaum’s rented possessions on the Persian Coast. The proceedings connected 
with this affair extending over a period of more than two years, and being well nigh 
productive of serious complications, it may not be amiss to enter somewhat fully into an 
account of the cause of the disagreement, and to watch its progress through all its phases. 

“ The Imaum had two grounds of complaint; the first, though it gave rise to much irritation, 
being comparatively speaking of little importance, shall be told as briefly as possible, and 
at once disposed of: 

“In the year 1846 Mahomed Ali Bundera, an influential merchant of Muskat, visited the 
town of Bushire. Meerza Abbas, at that time governor, hearing that the new arrival was pos¬ 
sessed of much wealth, and instigated, it was said, by the evil counsels of one Meer Bauker, 
a Bushire merchant of no repute, resolved by some means or another to extort from his visitor 
a large sum of money. Mahomed Ali Bundera was called upon to pay over a portion of his 
riches, and obstinately refused. Recourse was had to harsh measures and ill usage, but without 
effect: at last, however, driven to extremities, and finding that preparations were in course to 
inflict torture upon him, he agreed to pay the sum of 750 Tomans. Having given the above 
promise, he was released, and contrived to make good his escape from Bushire harbour before he 
had paid any portion of the money. Meer Bauker pretended that the sum of 750 Tomans 
was due to himself, for he said that, having guaranteed the payment thereof to Meerza 
Abbas, he was eventually compelled to disburse the whole amount from his own pocket. 

“During the preceding year (1845), some seven cases of indigo were sent to Bushire for 
sale by Syud Mahomed bin Salim of Muskat, nephew to His Highness the Imaum. Meer 
Bauker, ever seeking a pretext for revenge, and still incensed at the escape of his would-be 
victim, now thought a fitting opportunity for the practice of a little more villany had arrived. 
He declared Syf bin Salim's indigo to be the property of Mahomed Ali Bundera, and, by means 
of bribes, and a representation of his claims upon the latter party, induced Meerza Hedayut, 
acting Governor of Bushire, to seize and confiscate the whole of the boxes. These were 
transmitted to Shiraz, and no appeals from the Resident either to Meerza Hedayut or to 
Shaik Nassir, the de facto Governor of Bushire, could effect their relinquishment. The Muskat 
authorities retaliated, by the seizure of a quantity of silk, belonging to Persian merchants, 
that was intercepted on its way to the Presidency. Much discussion arose, and many 
letters were exchanged on the subject of the above “ seizure and counter-seizure," but it was 
not until after the lapse of close upon a year that matters were in any way settled or 
adjusted. 

“We now come to the second ground of complaint: 

“This consisted in the dispatch of troops by Houssein Khan, the Governor of Ears, against 
Bunder Abbas, with a view to exacting a large sum of money from Shaikh Syf bin Nubhan, 
the governor, and the Imaum’s deputy in that place. 

“ The Imaum was determined to resent these injuries. He addressed himself to the Gover¬ 
nor-General of India, “intimating his desire to blockade the port of Bushire," and also wrote 
to Shaikh Nassir direct, remonstrating with him for the unfriendliness of his behaviour 


* From Lieutenant Disbrowe’s Narrative in the Bombay Selections, No. XIII., page 







Appendix VI.] 


DISPUTES BETWEEN THE IMAUM OE MUS K A T AND A 


in the matter of the indigo, and telling him plainly that as he understood Pers.. 
were encroaching upon, and “ destroying his possessions in Bunder Abbas, he would r. 
by destroying Bushire.” 

“ The chief fears entertained by Shaik Nassir, on receipt of the above communication, were 
lest the Imaum, by means of his fleet, should take possession of Karrack. 

“The Governor of Pars likewise seems to have had a wholesome dread of the Imaum’s naval 
superiority; for although he did not actually deign to express such feeling, lie besought the 
Resident to pacify and appease His Highness,—to assure him that in no way had Persian troops 
encroached upon or injured his rented territories,—they had merely been dispatched for 
the purpose of settling affairs on the frontier. The Resident, in reply, refused to interpose, until 
the illegally confiscated indigo had been restored to its lawful owner. In this refusal, too, 
was he justified, for the Persian Ministers had both disavowed the military proceedings of 
Houssein Khan, and commanded the immediate restitution of the indigo. That they were not 
sincere, however, in their professions of disavowal is plain, for two reasons,—the indigo 
was not restored until after much evasion, and troops were again marched into the vicinity of 
Bunder Abbas, Meenao being actually invested by Fuzl Ali Khan, the Governor of Kirman. 

“ Syf bin Nubhan lost all patience, and was on the point of himself carrying into execution 
the threats made by His Highness of blockading the ports on the Persian Coast, when an 
intimation reached him from the Resident, “ that he would not be permitted to carry on 
hostilities at sea in the name of his master, and thus disturb the peace of the Persian Gulf.” 
His designs of retaliation were thus frustrated, and he had recourse to another line of conduct. 
He promised Fuzl Ali Khan, in the event of his raising the siege of Meenao, and withdraw¬ 
ing his troops, that he would disburse to him the sum of 12,000 E. I. Company’s Rupees. 
Whether or not the money was paid, or whether Syf bin Nubhan merely guaranteed its 
payment, with a full intention to break his promise so soon as a favourable opportunity pre¬ 
sented itself, I know not. Ruse or no ruse, however, it had the desired effect : hostilities 
against Meenao were suspended, and the districts were evacuated by the Kirman army. 

“ His Highness had up to the present time behaved with much forbearance, and entirely 
abstained from acts of aggression; but in October 1818, perceiving that no amends were likely 
to be made for the insults offered to his dignity, and the wrongs done to his territories, he again 
wrote to the Resident, reiterating his request for sanction to proceed against the ports on the 
Persian Coast. The Resident had hitherto sent no direct reply, but confined himself to doing 
all'in his power to dissuade the Imaum from entertaining the idea of a blockade; to assuring 
him that such an act would in the end prove detrimental to his own interests; and to holding 
out to him hope that, through the exertions of the British Envoy at the capital in his behalf, 
justice would yet be done,—amends would still be made; but now the aspect of affairs was great¬ 
ly altered,—indeed it is difficult to say where matters might have ended, or what disturbances 
might not have arisen, had not His Excellency Hajee Meerza Aghasee, then Prime Minister at 
the Court of Persia, withdrawn from office, consequent upon the death of Mahomed Shah, 
which occurred at this season, and been succeeded by a Minister more favourable to British 
views, and more inclined to give ear to justice; for instructions had been issued by the Supreme 
Government to the Resident, in reply to a reference he had made on the subject, that he was 
not to thwart or prevent His Highness from carrying into execution his threat to blockade 
the Persian ports, in the event of redress being refused him. These instructions had arrived, 
and the Imaum had become desperate. Meerza Aghasee’s successor was appealed to. He pro¬ 
mised redress - he fulfilled his promise: Fuzl Ali Khan was removed from Ins post, and matters 


W e r e^e^-ospective review of the whole course of events, we cannot but think that the 
Persian Ministers, previous to the demise of Mahomed Shah, however much they appeared 


BETWEEN THE IMAUM OE MUSK AT AND PERSIA. 


[.Appendix VI. 


jve of the conduct of their subordinates, they did not do so in reality. On the 
..and, the Imaum, although, perhaps, all things considered, he may be said to have acted 
with much forbearance and moderation, conducted himself, it must be admitted, with con¬ 
siderable hastiness in the outset. The opinion of the Resident at the time was that, had His 
Highness, in lieu of threatening to take the law into his own hands, plainly and soberly laid his 
grievances before His Majesty the Shah, full redress would have been afforded for any amount 
of wrongs he had suffered at the hands of the Persian Government; but the precipitate line of 
conduct His Highness adopted, the objectionable tone of his written address to Shaikh Nassir, 
the proneness to take offence displayed by Shaikh Syf bin Nubhan,—these all tended to 
provoke and exasperate the Persian Ministers, and, naturally enough, to shut out every hope 
of a peaceable settlement. 

“Towards the close of the year 1847, His Highness the Imaum espoused a grand-daughter of 
the late Fath Ali Shah. This marriage occasioned considerable surprise to many, for no one 
had in any way heard of the proposed match until the lady made her appearance at Muskat, 
on her way to join His Highness at Zanzibar. No political importance, it may be observed, 
was attached to this Persian connexion by the British Minister at the capital.” 





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